Friday, 10 October 2014
Turkey says it won't launch ground action alone against ISIS
Speaking alongside visiting NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg, Mevlut Cavusoglu said that airstrikes alone cannot change the balance of power or "clean the whole region of ISIS and other terrorists."
The remarks will dismay many in Turkey who have demanded military intervention in Syria.
Turkey has taken in more than 1.5 million people from Syria and Iraq, Cavusoglu said, including some 200,000 Syrians from the Kobani region in recent days.
A resolution passed the Turkish Parliament last week authorizing action against ISIS, which is also known as ISIL and calls itself the Islamic State.
ISIS is inching closer to overtaking Kobani, a Kurdish enclave in Syria that's a stone's throw from the Turkish border.
The town, also known as Ayn al-Arab, has been the scene of intense fighting and a string of airstrikes by the U.S.-led coalition against ISIS fighters in recent days.
Despite the desperate efforts of Kurdish fighters, ISIS militants have managed to wrest control of a third of Kobani, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, a London-based monitoring group, said Thursday.
It said 19 ISIS militants and 15 Kurdish fighters were killed in battles in the city Wednesday, while 23 ISIS members were killed in U.S.-led coalition airstrikes.
In addition, at least 11 ISIS militants were killed in clashes with Kurdish forces Wednesday and their bodies left in the square in front of al Asayesh building in Kobani's security perimeter area, the SOHR said in a statement Thursday. Kurdish fighters captured four ISIS militants.
In an aerial bombardment by Syrian forces in the city of Arbin, a few miles northeast of Damascus, at least 25 civilians were killed and dozens injured, SOHR reported Thursday. The fatalities included four women, four children and a nurse.
Protesters in Turkey, many of them Kurds, are calling on the government to take tough action and to allow fighters to go across the border to fight ISIS.
In some cases, the protests have turned violent, leaving at least 24 people dead and more than 100 injured, the country's semiofficial news agency, Anadolu, said Thursday. Some demonstrators died in clashes between rival groups, authorities said. Others were killed during clashes with police. Hundreds have been arrested.
In a statement, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan said, "Turkey will pursue -- in the most effective, democratic and lawful manner -- these acts of violence, vandalism and looting. Turkey will never tolerate any traps against our peace, stability or sense of brotherhood," Anadolu reported.
The main opposition party, the Republican People's Party, said it will back a motion passed by the Parliament to authorize the army's ground operations as long as it is limited to rescuing Kobani and repelling ISIS, according to Anadolu.
ISIS got reinforcements, witness says
Witnesses inside Kobani told CNN that airstrikes Wednesday had been welcome but that the situation was worsening Thursday.
One fighter said that the situation was "very bad" and that ISIS had received reinforcements overnight.
A "large" number of ISIS fighters and vehicles arrived in the early hours from the ISIS stronghold of Raqqa, nearly 100 miles south, to support the assault on Kobani, he said.
The fighter said ISIS troops have re-entered the eastern side of the city and called for the U.S.-led coalition to launch airstrikes there, where the onslaught is greatest. He said there had been only two strikes Thursday morning.
A media activist also in the town described intense street-to-street fighting around the Kurdish security forces' headquarters, near the center of Kobani, as well as in the south of the town.
He also called for more airstrikes against ISIS, saying the two so far Thursday were not enough.
Kurdish forces are reportedly telling the few remaining civilians to leave their homes and cross into Turkey for safety, he said. But the small, mostly male population say they don't know how to handle weapons, but want to stay and contribute to the fight by feeding the defenders of Kobani and providing whatever support they can.
U.S. Central Command said it had carried out five airstrikes south of Kobani on Wednesday and Thursday, destroying a building and vehicles used by ISIS, and hitting two groups of ISIS fighters.
It continues to monitor the situation closely, a statement said. "Indications are that Kurdish militia there continue to control most of the city and are holding out against ISIL."
Pentagon: Airstrikes won't save Kobani
Wednesday, Pentagon spokesman Rear Adm. John Kirby told reporters that U.S. airstrikes "are not going to save" Kobani.
"I think we all should be steeling ourselves for that eventuality," he said. "We've been very honest about the limits of air power here. The ground forces that matter the most are indigenous ground forces, and we don't have a willing, capable, effective partner on the ground inside Syria right now -- it's just a fact."
The greater U.S. strategy, Kirby said, is to degrade ISIS' ability to sustain itself.
Several senior U.S. administration officials said Kobani would soon fall to ISIS. They downplayed the importance of it, saying the city is not a major U.S. concern.
But a look at a map shows why it would mark an important strategic victory for the militants. ISIS would control a complete swath of land between its self-declared capital of Raqqa, Syria, and Turkey -- a stretch of more than 100 kilometers (62 miles).
The United States wants Turkey to do more, U.S. administration officials said, and is urging Turkey to at least fire artillery at ISIS targets across the border.
But the Turkish reluctance, the officials say, is wrapped up in the complex relationship with its own Kurds and the idea that the government doesn't want to help any of the Kurds in any way.
Rejecting discrimination claims
In his remarks, Cavusoglu rejected the suggestion that Turkey had hung back, saying it has "never acted reluctantly on this issue."
He also denied that any "discrimination on a sectarian basis" was in play in Turkey's decisions.
But he urged the protesters who've clashed with Turkish security forces "to evaluate who's actually siding with the people of Kobani."
Turkey will continue to provide humanitarian aid, he said, but he warned that pushing for more action "would not be a good approach."
Stoltenberg praised Turkey for its humanitarian commitment and said NATO would stand behind it as a member state. He said the Patriot missiles stationed by NATO on Turkey's border to protect against missile attacks were a concrete sign of that backing.
Stoltenberg also said that while Turkey has called for a no-fly zone and buffer zone along the border, this has "not been on the table of any NATO discussions yet."
Labels:
ISIS
Street Preacher Charged With 'Religious Aggravation' for Comparing Jesus and Muhammad
Street evangelist Mike Overd, a client of the Christian Legal Centre, is being prosecuted in the United Kingdom for an alleged religious aggravation public order offense.
The charges follow a complaint to police in Taunton, that Overd made a comparison between the perfect life of Jesus and the life of Islam's prophet, Muhammad.
Police have informed the former paratrooper that the Crown Prosecution Service wishes to bring three charges against him under Section 5 of the Public Order Act.
A Taunton police sergeant recently gave an interview to BBC television and a newspaper locally, urging residents to film the evangelist's preaching as it was alleged that Overd's preaching was "causing offense."
The officer has also asked local traders to film Overd if they believed he was preaching "offensively."
Overd insists that when he made a comparison between the perfect life of Jesus and the life led by Muhammad, he did not speak in a hateful way.
"It was a simple comparison and it was factual. Muhammad did marry a 9-year-old girl. I have no hatred of Muslims in me at all and only preach the truth of the gospel. Recently a Muslim man came to my defense when I was preaching and a local shopkeeper started to shout at me.
"The Muslim gentleman didn't take offense because he said he knew I was simply preaching what I believed and agreed there was no hatred in me. I've got this incident on video, and I also have video evidence of the incidents which have led to this forthcoming prosecution."
Overd has been told his case will come to court before the end of this year.
The charges follow a complaint to police in Taunton, that Overd made a comparison between the perfect life of Jesus and the life of Islam's prophet, Muhammad.
Police have informed the former paratrooper that the Crown Prosecution Service wishes to bring three charges against him under Section 5 of the Public Order Act.
A Taunton police sergeant recently gave an interview to BBC television and a newspaper locally, urging residents to film the evangelist's preaching as it was alleged that Overd's preaching was "causing offense."
The officer has also asked local traders to film Overd if they believed he was preaching "offensively."
Overd insists that when he made a comparison between the perfect life of Jesus and the life led by Muhammad, he did not speak in a hateful way.
"It was a simple comparison and it was factual. Muhammad did marry a 9-year-old girl. I have no hatred of Muslims in me at all and only preach the truth of the gospel. Recently a Muslim man came to my defense when I was preaching and a local shopkeeper started to shout at me.
"The Muslim gentleman didn't take offense because he said he knew I was simply preaching what I believed and agreed there was no hatred in me. I've got this incident on video, and I also have video evidence of the incidents which have led to this forthcoming prosecution."
Overd has been told his case will come to court before the end of this year.
Labels:
Christianity
Was bomb blast the work of Muslim extremists, ask Malaysians
The timing of today’s bomb blast in front of a nightclub along Jalan Bukit Bintang has not escaped the attention of Malaysians on social media, many of whom were quick to associate the explosion with the heated debate over the “Oktoberfest” beer festival.
Even as police suspect gangsters to be behind the blast which killed one and injured 13 others, Internet users speculated that the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (Isis) militants have reached Malaysia’s shores.
“I guess this is something to do (with) the alcohol... you wanted a beer festival... this may be the case...” wrote Facebook user Mariah Mohd Shah on a link to the news article on the bomb blast.
Peter Cheng wrote on Facebook: “Somehow I get the feeling this is jihadist work. It’s outside a pub. Habis la our beloved Malaysia!!!”
Others began posting comments with the words “Isis is here” and “Welcome Isis!”, while a few bandied names of other well-known Islamist terrorist groups such as Al Qaeda and the Taliban.
Readers of The Malaysian Insider were also sceptical that gangsters were behind it, noting the weapon of choice used and the target of the grenade.
“Targeting club sounds more like extremists trying to ‘teach the non-Muslims a lesson’ than an underground tussle. And grenades? Can any civilian acquire hand grenades?” asked “ZakariahZ”.
“Seberang” declared that Isis had arrived, saying: “This is no underworld tussle.
“Gangsters not going to use grenades as too dangerous and if caught, death sentence. Furthermore the gangsters will probably blow themselves up before throwing.”
“chatwave” noted that the police were quick to pin the blame on the underworld before having even conducted any investigation.
“How they know? Simply taruh only. Could be extremists of the anti-liquor faction too. Didn’t PAS and some hardline groups oppose Oktoberfest just yesterday?” wrote “chatwave”.
Oktoberfest started on September 24 at several locations in Selangor but the highlight of the event runs from tomorrow until the end of the week in Bandar Utama, Petaling Jaya.
Earlier today, PAS Dewan Ulama voiced strong objections to the beer-drinking festival and urged Selangor’s local authorities to take action against the organiser for openly promoting the event without a permit.
Controversial Muslim right-wing group Ikatan Muslimin Malaysia (Isma) has also demanded that the authorities take immediate action to stop promoting the ongoing Oktoberfest beer festival.
But other Facebook users said the scale of the destruction was too small to be the work of Muslim extremist groups.
“The location and nature of business along this area spells underworld clearly,” wrote Wan Amirul.
Jamilah Endot wrote on Facebook that the explosion was “merely a triad warfare”.
“The Sun Complex is well known for prostitution, illegal immigrant activities, etc so the underworld disagreement is bound to happen...” she wrote.
Early this morning, a car jockey was killed and 13 others injured when a hand grenade exploded in front of the pub along Jalan Bukit Bintang in the heart of Kuala Lumpur.
According to Kuala Lumpur CID chief Senior Assistant Commissioner Gan Kong Meng, car jockey Tiong Kwang Yie, 36, died in the incident.
"Police received a complaint at 4.25am and sent a despatch to the Cherry Blossom nightclub to ascertain the damage.
"Initial reports indicate that two hand grenades had been thrown from the second floor of a building."
The injured, nine men and four women, aged between 20 and 42, were sent to Kuala Lumpur Hospital and Tung Shin Hospital.
The victims have been identified as Lim Soon Hock, 51, Teoh Keow Meng, 40, Yaw Lee Hock, 41, C. Revindran, 49, and Tiong Kwang Yie. The foreign nationals are Jasu (Thailand), Wong Kim Teng (Singapore), Ma Yunfeng and Yong Jiaqin (both China). The other five victims have not been identified.
"Initial investigations reveal that two hand grenades were thrown but only one exploded.
"Shrapnel from the hand grenade caused injuries to passers-by," Gan added.
Four vehicles were damaged in the blast – a Toyota Vellfire (WVL 168), Toyota Camry (WTT 8999), Mazda 2 (WXJ 3333) and a BMW (WTV 36).
Police found the second hand grenade, which failed to explode, under the Toyota Camry.
"We believe this is linked to an underworld tussle.”
A police forensic team is at the scene, combing the area for clues and interviewing witnesses.
Checks revealed that the hand grenades had been issued in March 1983. The unexploded grenade was detonated by police at the scene at 12.37pm. – October 9, 2014.
- See more at: http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/was-bomb-blast-the-work-of-muslim-extremists-ask-malaysians#sthash.FSFvwEya.dpuf
Even as police suspect gangsters to be behind the blast which killed one and injured 13 others, Internet users speculated that the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (Isis) militants have reached Malaysia’s shores.
“I guess this is something to do (with) the alcohol... you wanted a beer festival... this may be the case...” wrote Facebook user Mariah Mohd Shah on a link to the news article on the bomb blast.
Peter Cheng wrote on Facebook: “Somehow I get the feeling this is jihadist work. It’s outside a pub. Habis la our beloved Malaysia!!!”
Others began posting comments with the words “Isis is here” and “Welcome Isis!”, while a few bandied names of other well-known Islamist terrorist groups such as Al Qaeda and the Taliban.
Readers of The Malaysian Insider were also sceptical that gangsters were behind it, noting the weapon of choice used and the target of the grenade.
“Targeting club sounds more like extremists trying to ‘teach the non-Muslims a lesson’ than an underground tussle. And grenades? Can any civilian acquire hand grenades?” asked “ZakariahZ”.
“Seberang” declared that Isis had arrived, saying: “This is no underworld tussle.
“Gangsters not going to use grenades as too dangerous and if caught, death sentence. Furthermore the gangsters will probably blow themselves up before throwing.”
“chatwave” noted that the police were quick to pin the blame on the underworld before having even conducted any investigation.
“How they know? Simply taruh only. Could be extremists of the anti-liquor faction too. Didn’t PAS and some hardline groups oppose Oktoberfest just yesterday?” wrote “chatwave”.
Oktoberfest started on September 24 at several locations in Selangor but the highlight of the event runs from tomorrow until the end of the week in Bandar Utama, Petaling Jaya.
Earlier today, PAS Dewan Ulama voiced strong objections to the beer-drinking festival and urged Selangor’s local authorities to take action against the organiser for openly promoting the event without a permit.
Controversial Muslim right-wing group Ikatan Muslimin Malaysia (Isma) has also demanded that the authorities take immediate action to stop promoting the ongoing Oktoberfest beer festival.
But other Facebook users said the scale of the destruction was too small to be the work of Muslim extremist groups.
“The location and nature of business along this area spells underworld clearly,” wrote Wan Amirul.
Jamilah Endot wrote on Facebook that the explosion was “merely a triad warfare”.
“The Sun Complex is well known for prostitution, illegal immigrant activities, etc so the underworld disagreement is bound to happen...” she wrote.
Early this morning, a car jockey was killed and 13 others injured when a hand grenade exploded in front of the pub along Jalan Bukit Bintang in the heart of Kuala Lumpur.
According to Kuala Lumpur CID chief Senior Assistant Commissioner Gan Kong Meng, car jockey Tiong Kwang Yie, 36, died in the incident.
"Police received a complaint at 4.25am and sent a despatch to the Cherry Blossom nightclub to ascertain the damage.
"Initial reports indicate that two hand grenades had been thrown from the second floor of a building."
The injured, nine men and four women, aged between 20 and 42, were sent to Kuala Lumpur Hospital and Tung Shin Hospital.
The victims have been identified as Lim Soon Hock, 51, Teoh Keow Meng, 40, Yaw Lee Hock, 41, C. Revindran, 49, and Tiong Kwang Yie. The foreign nationals are Jasu (Thailand), Wong Kim Teng (Singapore), Ma Yunfeng and Yong Jiaqin (both China). The other five victims have not been identified.
"Initial investigations reveal that two hand grenades were thrown but only one exploded.
"Shrapnel from the hand grenade caused injuries to passers-by," Gan added.
Four vehicles were damaged in the blast – a Toyota Vellfire (WVL 168), Toyota Camry (WTT 8999), Mazda 2 (WXJ 3333) and a BMW (WTV 36).
Police found the second hand grenade, which failed to explode, under the Toyota Camry.
"We believe this is linked to an underworld tussle.”
A police forensic team is at the scene, combing the area for clues and interviewing witnesses.
Checks revealed that the hand grenades had been issued in March 1983. The unexploded grenade was detonated by police at the scene at 12.37pm. – October 9, 2014.
- See more at: http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/was-bomb-blast-the-work-of-muslim-extremists-ask-malaysians#sthash.FSFvwEya.dpuf
Labels:
Islam Discrimination,
terrorist
A-G decided on Ibrahim Ali case, says Nancy Shukri
Nancy Shukri sought tonight to deflect public outrage over Putrajaya's inaction to prosecute Datuk Ibrahim Ali for his threat to burn Malay bibles, saying it was the Attorney-General's Chambers decision and blamed the opposition for making political capital from it.
The Minister in the Prime Minister's Department blamed Malaysians on social media for spreading articles, saying "irresponsible quarters" had only taken excerpts from her answer in Parliament to "create misinterpretation and misunderstanding".
"The irresponsible quarters only quoted parts of the answer that it creates misinterpretation and misunderstanding of the real meaning intended," the minister from Sarawak said in a statement.
Nancy explained that any decision to charge a person or not, in court, is subject to evidence and facts, and has nothing to do with a person's religious background or political inclination.
She said that the decision to not charge Ibrahim under the Sedition Act was made fairly and without favouring any parties to ensure justice for the victim, witness, accused and the public.
"The decision by the Attorney-General Chambers to not prosecute Ibrahim was because the context of his speech was in line with the spirit in Article 11(4) of the Federal Constitution.
"Hence, the decision to not charge Ibrahim was taken after considering the outcome of the investigation by the police, she added.
Nancy hoped that people could see the government's transparency in handling the legal process and for them to stay calm and not to issue statements or do things that could undermine harmony and hurt the feelings of the country's multi-racial community. – October 9, 2014.
- See more at: http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/read-my-answer-in-full-says-nancy-defending-reply-on-ibrahim-ali#sthash.1NMpJxJt.dpuf
The Minister in the Prime Minister's Department blamed Malaysians on social media for spreading articles, saying "irresponsible quarters" had only taken excerpts from her answer in Parliament to "create misinterpretation and misunderstanding".
"The irresponsible quarters only quoted parts of the answer that it creates misinterpretation and misunderstanding of the real meaning intended," the minister from Sarawak said in a statement.
Nancy explained that any decision to charge a person or not, in court, is subject to evidence and facts, and has nothing to do with a person's religious background or political inclination.
She said that the decision to not charge Ibrahim under the Sedition Act was made fairly and without favouring any parties to ensure justice for the victim, witness, accused and the public.
"The decision by the Attorney-General Chambers to not prosecute Ibrahim was because the context of his speech was in line with the spirit in Article 11(4) of the Federal Constitution.
"Hence, the decision to not charge Ibrahim was taken after considering the outcome of the investigation by the police, she added.
Nancy hoped that people could see the government's transparency in handling the legal process and for them to stay calm and not to issue statements or do things that could undermine harmony and hurt the feelings of the country's multi-racial community. – October 9, 2014.
- See more at: http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/read-my-answer-in-full-says-nancy-defending-reply-on-ibrahim-ali#sthash.1NMpJxJt.dpuf
Labels:
Christianity,
Perkasa
'I am not racist' Zahid ready to be quizzed
He was commenting on a statement by Inspector-General of Police Khalid Abu Bakar yesterday.
The police chief said the minister would be summoned to give his statement to prove that the police did not practise double standards in enforcing the Sedition Act.
This followed a police report lodged by Perak DAP over Zahid's speech during the recent Pengkalan Kubor by-election, where he purportedly claimed that DAP threw stones at the Perak regent and his car during the constitutional crisis in 2009.
However, the home minister today said his statement was taken out of context.
Zahid said he handed over audio and visual recordings of his speech - referred to by the complainant - to his officers to be handed over to the police.
"I am open. I am not a racist, and I have proof what I had said was not like what was stated in the report," he was quoted as saying by Bernama.
The minister said he could also take legal action against the reporter who wrote outside the scope of his speech, including the news portal and newspapers which used the article.
Labels:
Home Minister,
Racist
Car jockey in KL nightclub blast dies
Twelve others including foreigners were injured in the molotov cocktail incident believed to be due to a ‘turf war’ between secret societies.
The incident is believed to be the first to have happened at an entertainment outlet in the country.
Kuala Lumpur CID chief SAC Gan Kong Meng when contacted, confirmed the death of the jockey identified as Tiong Kwong Yie, 36.
The Kuala Lumpur Hospital (KLH) public relations unit said in a statement today that the deceased passed away while undergoing surgery.
Ten victims are still receiving treatment at KLH, while two, at Gleneagles Hospital in Kuala Lumpur.
The statement said seven of the victims were locals while four were from China, one from Singapore and one from Thailand.
Earlier, Kuala Lumpur CID deputy chief ACP Khairi Ahrasa told reporters that an unidentified individual had flung two bombs from the Level Two parking bay at the Sun Complex in the incident at around 4.20am.
According to him, one of the bombs exploded in front of the nightclub but the other remained inactive underneath a Toyota Camry parked in the vicinity, which had since been cordoned off.
Bomb Disposal Unit experts from the city police contingent headquarters, City Hall’s Towing Unit personnel and a fire truck from the Jalan Hang Tuah fire and rescue station were also at the scene.
Aside from the Toyota Camry, three other vehicles, a Toyota Vellfire, Mazda and BMW were in the vicinity.
The bumper of the Vellfire was ripped off in the explosion while black spots and glass shards could be seen on the road near the vehicle.
The second bomb was detonated by the bomb disposal team at 12.35pm.
Nearby business premises including the Public Bank and Hai-O store were temporarily closed while the explosive was being defused.
Federal Hotel manager Shaun Sylvester, 29, said he heard a loud noise outside his premises and asked the security guard to find out what happened.
“I saw a crowd gathering; some individuals were covered with blood and some were panicking,” he recalled to Bernama.
He also saw taxi drivers and members of the public helping to send victims to the hospital.
Meanwhile, Kamarul Baharin, 41, a tourist guide, said he had just left the area with some clients when the incident happened and was glad they were safe.
- Bernama
Labels:
Islam Discrimination,
terrorist
Ex-judge claims vernacular schools not protected by Federal Constitution
A former Court of Appeal judge has claimed that the Federal Constitution does not oblige Putrajaya to fund vernacular schools as the law only provides for private education in mother tongues.
Malay Mail
Datuk Mohd Noor Abdullah told Malay-language daily Sinar Harian in an interview published today that he was not calling for the vernacular school system to be abolished, but only pointing out that Article 152 of the Federal Constitution does not provide for the Chinese and Tamil vernacular schools that are partially funded by the government.
“There is nothing in the constitution that allows SJK to be set up,” Mohd Noor was quoted saying, using the Malay initials for national-type schools, or vernacular schools.
“Private schools, Chinese and Tamil schools, and schools of whatever ethnic group in this country that want to teach in the mother tongue, go ahead, but you have to fund it yourself.
“Say the Chinese want to learn Chinese, they can set up a school with their own funds,” he added.
Unlike national schools that use Bahasa Malaysia as the medium of instruction, vernacular schools that teach in Mandarin and Tamil do not receive full federal funding and must rely on other sources of revenue — primarily private donations — to finance their operations.
Mohd Noor said Article 152(1)(b) of the Federal Constitution, which allows for the use and study of languages other than Bahasa Malaysia, does not refer to mother tongue-based education.
“The word ‘study’ refers to the study of language at a centre or language schools in universities. Such studies include knowing the origins and development of a certain language. So clause (b) can’t be used to defend SJK,” he said.
But the former judge claimed that the government can fund religious schools because the Federal Constitution places Islam as the religion of the federation.
Mohd Noor alleged that the country’s fragmented education system has affected unity between various ethnic groups, noting that there are few Chinese and Indian students at national schools.
“Why don’t we rebrand SJK as a national school and have its curriculum mirror the national schools’? We should provide facilities for those who want to study their respective mother tongues. It won’t take long to master the mother tongue — within three years, they should be proficient,” he said.
Petaling Jaya Utara Umno deputy division chief Mohamad Azli Mohemed Saad upset several MCA leaders recently when he proposed that the upcoming Umno general assembly next month debate closing down Chinese schools, as he claimed that such schools were used to inculcate racism and anti-establishment sentiments.
MCA lodged a police report against him in response for sedition, insisting that vernacular education is protected by the Federal Constitution.
Vernacular schools continue to grow in popularity in Malaysia, with an increasing number of non-Malay parents preferring to send their children to Mandarin- and Tamil-language schools over the Malay-language national schools.
Defenders of Bumiputera special privileges regularly target vernacular schools to deflect demands for equal treatment of the country’s races after decades of race-based affirmative action.
Malay Mail
Datuk Mohd Noor Abdullah told Malay-language daily Sinar Harian in an interview published today that he was not calling for the vernacular school system to be abolished, but only pointing out that Article 152 of the Federal Constitution does not provide for the Chinese and Tamil vernacular schools that are partially funded by the government.
“There is nothing in the constitution that allows SJK to be set up,” Mohd Noor was quoted saying, using the Malay initials for national-type schools, or vernacular schools.
“Private schools, Chinese and Tamil schools, and schools of whatever ethnic group in this country that want to teach in the mother tongue, go ahead, but you have to fund it yourself.
“Say the Chinese want to learn Chinese, they can set up a school with their own funds,” he added.
Unlike national schools that use Bahasa Malaysia as the medium of instruction, vernacular schools that teach in Mandarin and Tamil do not receive full federal funding and must rely on other sources of revenue — primarily private donations — to finance their operations.
Mohd Noor said Article 152(1)(b) of the Federal Constitution, which allows for the use and study of languages other than Bahasa Malaysia, does not refer to mother tongue-based education.
“The word ‘study’ refers to the study of language at a centre or language schools in universities. Such studies include knowing the origins and development of a certain language. So clause (b) can’t be used to defend SJK,” he said.
But the former judge claimed that the government can fund religious schools because the Federal Constitution places Islam as the religion of the federation.
Mohd Noor alleged that the country’s fragmented education system has affected unity between various ethnic groups, noting that there are few Chinese and Indian students at national schools.
“Why don’t we rebrand SJK as a national school and have its curriculum mirror the national schools’? We should provide facilities for those who want to study their respective mother tongues. It won’t take long to master the mother tongue — within three years, they should be proficient,” he said.
Petaling Jaya Utara Umno deputy division chief Mohamad Azli Mohemed Saad upset several MCA leaders recently when he proposed that the upcoming Umno general assembly next month debate closing down Chinese schools, as he claimed that such schools were used to inculcate racism and anti-establishment sentiments.
MCA lodged a police report against him in response for sedition, insisting that vernacular education is protected by the Federal Constitution.
Vernacular schools continue to grow in popularity in Malaysia, with an increasing number of non-Malay parents preferring to send their children to Mandarin- and Tamil-language schools over the Malay-language national schools.
Defenders of Bumiputera special privileges regularly target vernacular schools to deflect demands for equal treatment of the country’s races after decades of race-based affirmative action.
Labels:
Malaysian Chinese,
Tamil schools
Bomb squad detonates third grenade
CID deputy chief Khairi Ahrasa said the bomb squad used a remote robotic device to detonate the grenade.
KUALA LUMPUR: A third grenade found in the Sun Complex basement under a white Toyota Camry was successfully detonated. “The hand grenade which was found to have its pin dislodged was detonated by the police bomb squad which used a remote robotic device,” said CID deputy chief Khairi Ahrasa.
Two policemen in protective armoured gear were seen combing the area at about 12.15pm.
Minutes later, a loud blast was heard when the bomb squad detonated the third grenade. Earlier today certain sections of Bukit Bintang were under heavy police surveillance after a bomb blast at a nightclub early this morning injured 14 people. A car jockey later died at the Kuala Lumpur hospital. The bomb went off at approximately 4.30am.
In Parliament today, Bukit Bintang MP Fong Kui Lun raised his concern over the possible impact the blast could have on tourism as Bukit Bintang was a tourist hot spot. “We don’t want Kuala Lumpur to be like Haadyai or Bangkok where we can find explosives or hand grenades here. Police need to investigate how these weapons were brought in. I hope they can quickly solve this matter,” said Fong.
The DAP lawmaker also asked why there were no policemen stationed in the area despite having a police beat base nearby. “The Sun Complex area is a popular night spot. There are many night clubs and pubs there,” he said. “This will have an impact on our country.”
The Malaysian victims were identified as Lim Soon Hock, 51, Teoh Keow Meng, 40, Yaw Lee Hock, 41, C. Revindran, 49, and Tiong Kwang Yie (the car jockey).
The foreign nationals are Jasu (Thailand), Wong Kim Teng (Singapore), Ma Yunfeng and Yong Jiaqin (China). The other five victims have yet to be identified.
KUALA LUMPUR: A third grenade found in the Sun Complex basement under a white Toyota Camry was successfully detonated. “The hand grenade which was found to have its pin dislodged was detonated by the police bomb squad which used a remote robotic device,” said CID deputy chief Khairi Ahrasa.
Two policemen in protective armoured gear were seen combing the area at about 12.15pm.
Minutes later, a loud blast was heard when the bomb squad detonated the third grenade. Earlier today certain sections of Bukit Bintang were under heavy police surveillance after a bomb blast at a nightclub early this morning injured 14 people. A car jockey later died at the Kuala Lumpur hospital. The bomb went off at approximately 4.30am.
In Parliament today, Bukit Bintang MP Fong Kui Lun raised his concern over the possible impact the blast could have on tourism as Bukit Bintang was a tourist hot spot. “We don’t want Kuala Lumpur to be like Haadyai or Bangkok where we can find explosives or hand grenades here. Police need to investigate how these weapons were brought in. I hope they can quickly solve this matter,” said Fong.
The DAP lawmaker also asked why there were no policemen stationed in the area despite having a police beat base nearby. “The Sun Complex area is a popular night spot. There are many night clubs and pubs there,” he said. “This will have an impact on our country.”
The Malaysian victims were identified as Lim Soon Hock, 51, Teoh Keow Meng, 40, Yaw Lee Hock, 41, C. Revindran, 49, and Tiong Kwang Yie (the car jockey).
The foreign nationals are Jasu (Thailand), Wong Kim Teng (Singapore), Ma Yunfeng and Yong Jiaqin (China). The other five victims have yet to be identified.
Get back to real work, Izzah tells IGP
The Lembah Pantai MP offers condolences to bomb victim's family.
FMT
KUALA LUMPUR: PKR vice-president Nurul Izzah Anwar today expressed her “utter shock” that security in the city had deteriorated to the extent that a bomb had exploded in one of its most crowded areas, leaving one person dead and 13 injured.
She offered her condolences to the family and friends of car jockey Tiong Kwang Yie and said she was praying for the quick recovery of the injured.
“We need an immediate and transparent response from the authorities to this utterly shocking attack in the heart of the city,” she said in a statement to FMT.
“The IGP must immediately wake up to reality. He must end his personal crusade against people who ‘disrespect’ him. He must now actively resist pressure from his political masters to go after dissenters, scholars, students and journalists.
“He must go back to his real task, which is to fight crime. He must address the real threats to the nation’s security ASAP.”
As MP for Lembah Pantai, Izzah has often called on the authorities to address the problem of rising crime rates, particularly in urban areas. She has accused the Home Ministry and the police force of being misguided in their priorities, saying they were committing more resources to the surveillance of opposition politicians than to crime fighting.
In her statement today, she referred to the police’s explanation of the bomb attack and asked how they could be so quick to connect it to gang rivalry. She said the Special Branch should have been as quick with its crime intelligence to prevent the attack.
“If all that is true, it only means that gangsters in this country have become so much bolder,” she added.
FMT
KUALA LUMPUR: PKR vice-president Nurul Izzah Anwar today expressed her “utter shock” that security in the city had deteriorated to the extent that a bomb had exploded in one of its most crowded areas, leaving one person dead and 13 injured.
She offered her condolences to the family and friends of car jockey Tiong Kwang Yie and said she was praying for the quick recovery of the injured.
“We need an immediate and transparent response from the authorities to this utterly shocking attack in the heart of the city,” she said in a statement to FMT.
“The IGP must immediately wake up to reality. He must end his personal crusade against people who ‘disrespect’ him. He must now actively resist pressure from his political masters to go after dissenters, scholars, students and journalists.
“He must go back to his real task, which is to fight crime. He must address the real threats to the nation’s security ASAP.”
As MP for Lembah Pantai, Izzah has often called on the authorities to address the problem of rising crime rates, particularly in urban areas. She has accused the Home Ministry and the police force of being misguided in their priorities, saying they were committing more resources to the surveillance of opposition politicians than to crime fighting.
In her statement today, she referred to the police’s explanation of the bomb attack and asked how they could be so quick to connect it to gang rivalry. She said the Special Branch should have been as quick with its crime intelligence to prevent the attack.
“If all that is true, it only means that gangsters in this country have become so much bolder,” she added.
Deputy minister called arrogant, untruthful
DAP MP wants Kamalanathan to provide accurate answers on placement of students in universities
FMT
PETALING JAYA: Deputy Education Minister P Kamalanathan came under intense fire for giving a feeble answer when questioned about the student placement system for Malaysian universities.
Despite contrary opinions from political leaders and parents, Kamalanathan maintained, “Selection of students by IPTA (Institutions of Higher Learning) is based on merit.”
He also stressed, “…applicants with the highest results will be considered and offered a place, regardless of religion, race, gender, heritage, state of origin, place of abode or lifestyle.”
Pouncing on the minister’s response, Beruas MP Ngeh Koo Ham fired back saying, “We want accurate answers but his reply was arrogant and does not reflect the truth.
“He does not deserve to be a minister.”
Bayan Baru MP Sim Tze Tzin also entered the fray, citing cases of excellent students who were denied entry to courses of their choice while others received no offer at all.
Insisting Sim’s statements were untrue, the deputy minister explained, “This merit system considers a student’s qualification based on 90 percent academic and 10 percent co-curriculum achievements to ensure that IPTA produces well-rounded, holistic graduates.”
Sim, who had set up a complaints panel after the August intake, said that he received more than 200 complaints within 10 days, many of which were from students who had not received any placement at all despite achieving top marks in their exams.
A large number of grievances also came from students who did not get their choice of courses.
“And it is not only the non-Bumiputera students who have these problems. Bumiputeras and students from Sabah and Sarawak are facing the same problem,” Sim said, attributing the reason to a disorganised University Placement Unit system.
Ngeh added that the deputy minister needed to quell speculations that the lower intake numbers were due to a reduction in budget or the government’s quest for higher world rankings.
“These speculations need to be addressed intelligently,” stressed Ngeh.
FMT
PETALING JAYA: Deputy Education Minister P Kamalanathan came under intense fire for giving a feeble answer when questioned about the student placement system for Malaysian universities.
Despite contrary opinions from political leaders and parents, Kamalanathan maintained, “Selection of students by IPTA (Institutions of Higher Learning) is based on merit.”
He also stressed, “…applicants with the highest results will be considered and offered a place, regardless of religion, race, gender, heritage, state of origin, place of abode or lifestyle.”
Pouncing on the minister’s response, Beruas MP Ngeh Koo Ham fired back saying, “We want accurate answers but his reply was arrogant and does not reflect the truth.
“He does not deserve to be a minister.”
Bayan Baru MP Sim Tze Tzin also entered the fray, citing cases of excellent students who were denied entry to courses of their choice while others received no offer at all.
Insisting Sim’s statements were untrue, the deputy minister explained, “This merit system considers a student’s qualification based on 90 percent academic and 10 percent co-curriculum achievements to ensure that IPTA produces well-rounded, holistic graduates.”
Sim, who had set up a complaints panel after the August intake, said that he received more than 200 complaints within 10 days, many of which were from students who had not received any placement at all despite achieving top marks in their exams.
A large number of grievances also came from students who did not get their choice of courses.
“And it is not only the non-Bumiputera students who have these problems. Bumiputeras and students from Sabah and Sarawak are facing the same problem,” Sim said, attributing the reason to a disorganised University Placement Unit system.
Ngeh added that the deputy minister needed to quell speculations that the lower intake numbers were due to a reduction in budget or the government’s quest for higher world rankings.
“These speculations need to be addressed intelligently,” stressed Ngeh.
Zam, Ibrahim blame ISA repeal for bomb blast
They say the abolition of the law deprived police of a powerful prevention tool.
PETALING JAYA: Two prominent advocates of Malay rights have attributed today’s bombing of a Bukit Bintang nightclub to the repeal of the Internal Security Act (ISA).
Perkasa President Ibrahim Ali and former information minister Zainuddin Maidin aka Zam both said today that the government, in repealing the ISA, had taken away from the police a powerful crime prevention tool.
Ibrahim, speaking to FMT, also said the government should take the incident as a warning against repealing the Sedition Act.
Zam, in an article at zamkata.blogspot.com, castigated Prime Minister Najib Razak for his decision to repeal the ISA. He said it was prompted by his desire to be seen as a champion of democracy and liberalism, especially in the eyes of western leaders.
He lamented the repeal of the ISA as the “loss of the guardian of national security”.
“Najib has destroyed a fortress built by his father and with blood and tears,” he said.
Ibrahim said the ISA’s repeal, like current calls for the repeal of the Sedition Act, represented the interest of politicians, not of the security forces.
“Today’s tragedy would not have happened if the government had been firm in keeping the ISA, as it should be firm in maintaining the Sedition Act,” he said.
PETALING JAYA: Two prominent advocates of Malay rights have attributed today’s bombing of a Bukit Bintang nightclub to the repeal of the Internal Security Act (ISA).
Perkasa President Ibrahim Ali and former information minister Zainuddin Maidin aka Zam both said today that the government, in repealing the ISA, had taken away from the police a powerful crime prevention tool.
Ibrahim, speaking to FMT, also said the government should take the incident as a warning against repealing the Sedition Act.
Zam, in an article at zamkata.blogspot.com, castigated Prime Minister Najib Razak for his decision to repeal the ISA. He said it was prompted by his desire to be seen as a champion of democracy and liberalism, especially in the eyes of western leaders.
He lamented the repeal of the ISA as the “loss of the guardian of national security”.
“Najib has destroyed a fortress built by his father and with blood and tears,” he said.
Ibrahim said the ISA’s repeal, like current calls for the repeal of the Sedition Act, represented the interest of politicians, not of the security forces.
“Today’s tragedy would not have happened if the government had been firm in keeping the ISA, as it should be firm in maintaining the Sedition Act,” he said.
Thailand’s Coup and the Threat of the King’s Death
The reasons behind the kingdom’s 19th coup
This is excerpted from a much longer article discussing the implication of the Royal succession which can be found here
The Thai Army’s claim that it is politically neutral, is seeking to find a peaceful solution to the country’s crisis and that it genuinely wishes to broker reconciliation between different political factions is simply fraudulent.
In retrospect, from November 2013 to May 2014, it was evident that the military had cooperated closely with antigovernment protesters to make the country ungovernable in order to oust Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, the sister of deposed premier Thaksin Shinawatra, and her government.
At the time, there were relentless anti-government demonstrations, accompanied by the occupation of state offices, the blockage of roads and highways and the disruption of general elections on Feb. 2.
The demonstrators held Bangkok hostage, defying arrest warrants and resorting to violence against some “red shirt” activists who support the Yingluck government. As antigovernment “yellow-shirt” protestors roamed the streets in defiance of the law, the military was waiting for the appropriate moment to directly intervene in civilian politics. It was clear that the chaotic situation served to legitimize the coup.
In addition, while politicians from the ruling Pheu Thai Party were summoned or even in some cases arrested after the coup, no members of the antigovernment faction led by Suthep were detained. In fact, they were allowed to continue their political activities. For example, the Suthep faction organized several post-coup parties to celebrate what was deemed a political triumph – but one that ended in a military coup.
Maj. Gen. Amnuay Nimmano, the acting deputy commander of the Bangkok Metropolitan Police, even attended a birthday party for Suthep on July 5, despite political gatherings being prohibited by the military. This reaffirmed the existence of a plot drawn up by the military and antigovernment protesters to remove Yingluck from power.
In retrospect, I was among many analysts who were initially convinced that the time was not ripe for the military to stage another coup. This was simply because the previous coup of 2006 offered various valuable lessons for the Army. That coup gave birth to the pro-Thaksin red-shirt movement with their strong anti-coup agenda. I was convinced that the military would not want to become entangled in another complicated situation. For one thing, the brutal crackdowns on the red shirts at the hands of the Army in Bangkok’s Rachaprasong district in 2010 have not been resolved, and no soldiers have been brought to justice. With this still in play, it should have kept the Army out of politics for a while.
It is important to note that the Thai Army has never worked alone in staging a coup; it has often received instructions from the Royal Palace. However, it seemed that the monarchy was not in a position currently to influence internal politics the way it once did. Partly, this is because King Bhumibol Adulyadej, 86, is in ill health, in addition to his many years of self-politicization. When there were no instructions from the palace, not making a move was usually seen as the best move for the military.
There were other political weapons that could have been used to undermine political opponents, rendering the blunt instrument of a military coup unnecessary or even counterproductive. Here, the role of the Thai courts and independent state agencies is crucial.
Months prior to the coup, these institutions apparently launched coordinated attacks against the Yingluck government, with the Constitutional Court ordering her to step down over the bizarre case of her transferring Thawin Plainsri from his post as secretary-general of the National Security Council, and then there was the Anticorruption Commission’s ardent investigation into the state rice-pledging scheme.
Topping this off, following the dissolution of parliament in December, the election commission initially obstructed the government’s plan to hold a new election. Meanwhile, the highly politicized Human Rights Commission, led by Amara Pongsapich, was rather quiet when the Suthep-led protesters threatened the electoral rights of fellow Thais by blocking polling stations and even harassing voters.
On the contrary, Amara rushed to condemn the government whenever possible, for example, by warning Yingluck not to “touch” antigovernment protesters. All this convinced me that a coup would have been redundant. Meanwhile, the Yingluck government seemed passive, with the prime minister agreeing to step down at the behest of the Constitutional Court. Obviously, there seemed to be no incentives for the coup. But how wrong I was.
Taking into consideration the context, in many ways, the coup came as a surprise. Its abrupt nature could well indicate some changes within the walls of the Royal Palace in Bangkok. Yet without solid evidence, any discussion on what could have happened among key figures of the Royal Family would only be speculation.
Instead, the 2014 coup was a Royal coup. But it is a Royal coup in a slightly different political context, compared with the one in September 2006. Back then, the military and Royal Palace worked together to try and permanently remove Thaksin, who was first elected prime minister in 2001, from Thailand’s political scene. Thaksin had emerged as a looming threat to the political domination, economic wealth and social status of the country’s old establishment.
Thaksin’s effective populist policies were successful in winning the hearts and minds of Thailand’s remote regions, thus competing with the long years of Royal projects that underpinned the relationship between the King and his subjects.
The 2014 coup was staged to manage the imminent royal succession. Therefore, it was a royal coup with the urgent task of taking back political control of Thailand. “It’s like a musical chairs game,” said Ernest Bower, an expert on Southeast Asia at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington. “When the music stops – when the king dies – whoever has power gets to organize the next steps.”
Getting rid of Thaksin and his proxies remains a priority, but more importantly, the coup makers wanted to ensure that the next monarch would benefit their own position in the country’s power structure. It is an open secret that key members of the “network monarchy,” which is driven by the old establishment, have expressed disapproval of the heir apparent, Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn.
A series of cables turned up in Wikileaks in 2010 detailing discussions between Gen. Prem Tinsulanond, head of the Privy Council; Anand Panyarachun, a former prime minister; and Siddhi Savetsila, a Privy councilor, with John Eric, who was US ambassador to Thailand 2007-2010. The contents revealed that these palace representatives perceived the Crown Prince as unsuitable to be the next monarch.
With his complicated personal life and lack of popularity and moral authority among the Thai public, the palace’s inner circles feel the Crown Prince is not a good choice. But more importantly, what the traditional elite fear most is the possibility that the Crown Prince forged some kind of political alliance with Thaksin, a claim that had been reported in the press a decade ago.
This could prove to have been the underlying cause of the 2014 coup. The military may seek to hold onto power until after the royal succession. Thailand’s military ruler and prime minister, General Prayuth, has a reputation as a staunch monarchist and has ruled that violations of the controversial lèse-majesté law – a sweeping ban against anything deemed as offending the monarchy – will be heard in military, rather than civilian, courts.
Of course, one may never know the real relationship between the Crown Prince and Thaksin. Yet, the unknown itself stirred up enough anxiety on the part of the palace and its network for it to ensure that during the royal transition, they must be in charge of the parliament and that the military will be on their side.
The elite also needed to guarantee that Thaksin and his proxies were not able to make decisions that could affect the royal succession in ways that would serve Thaksin’s own interests.
It is premature to assume that the network monarchy might already have an alternate candidate in mind to be the next monarch. But according to the Succession Law, it is clear and undeniable that the Crown Prince will ascend to the throne. He was given the title in 1972 – a quintessential step that prepares the king-in-waiting for the throne. There is a misperception that Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn, his younger sister, was elevated to Crown Princess. It is not true.
Much of the talk about other candidates reflects wishful thinking, or a lonely hope, by members of the traditional elite who may dream about replacing Vajiralongkorn with Sirindhorn.
The looming transition and its political impacts
The point of this essay is not to discuss possible candidates to become Thailand’s next monarch. Rather, it is about discussing the reasons why the royal succession has become so important for Thailand in reshaping the contour of its politics, and how the crisis has deepened on the eve of the royal transition.
First, one must come to terms with the fact that the monarchy has an immense role in politics, and that King Bhumibol has been an active political actor. The King sits at the apex of the Thai political structure, and since the early days of the Cold War, has worked closely with the military to build a new political landscape.
As Australian professor Andrew Walker argues: “Thailand’s democratic failure is the most striking legacy of his [Bhumibol’s] long reign. For decades, antidemocratic forces in Thailand have been able to use the image of the King to undermine the credibility of elected politicians. A long series of military coups have been staged in the name of the King, in order to supposedly protect the country from the depredations of corrupt politicians.
“The King has never used his pre-eminent stature to challenge the use of military force to overthrow an elected government, but has consistently permitted antidemocratic acts to be staged in his name. Since Prayuth’s seizure of power, there has not been one word from the palace about the importance of protecting Thailand's democratic system. Thailand’s overinvestment in the monarchy as a symbol of national unity means that institutions which can constructively manage conflict have never been able to flourish.”
Sadly, it is unlikely the monarchy will be willing to negotiate with democracy anytime soon.
The next significant conundrum concerns the coup’s impact on Thailand’s political and societal landscape. The fact that the monarchy has become politicized over the decades, while openly taking sides amid the political divide, will also accelerate its decline.
At the same time, there have been mounting lèse-majesté cases since the 2006 coup. The more royal defenders use the law as a weapon, the more this will hurt the monarchy, and overusing it could inevitably bring an end to the institution. Currently, there is a move by the junta to silence, not just critics of the coup, but also those critical of the monarchy. Writers and academics have been hunted, not just because they have spoken out against the coup, but also because they were seen as a threat to the monarchy.
Despite this pessimistic view of the current political crisis, the eventual Royal succession could benefit Thai democracy in the long run. Any conflict inside the palace would be a lose-lose situation for the current Chakri Dynasty. Conflict between contenders for the throne would likely bring instability to the monarchy, and possibly enable democracy to find a way to blossom.
Second, the Army itself will be affected by the coup. This is Thailand’s 19th coup since it abolished the absolute monarchy in 1932. The latest putsch will surely further deepen military involvement in Thai politics. The military has long lost its professionalism. In many ways, the coup paved the way for the military to perpetuate its role in politics. Once entering politics it is difficult to withdraw. This time, like during many past coups, the military used its so-called mission to defend the monarch to justify its intervention.
That explains why the military is keen to exploit the lèse-majesté law to prove its responsibility and duty as the defender of the monarchy, which in turn means the defender of national security. But the longer the military remains in politics, the more it will serve to obstruct democratization.
Already, the military has sought to weaken democratic institutions, aroused by the fear that strong politicians such as Thaksin could return to the political scene. It is therefore expected that the military will redesign the Constitution to be even less democratic. Some analysts already suspect that the junta will adopt Myanmar’s parliamentary model, which reserves 25 percent of its seats for the Army.
Alternatively, the coup leaders could opt for a combination of elected and appointed members of parliament. And if the ultimate objective is to take control of the Royal succession, which could be a few years away, we may see the military further entrench itself in politics.
This is dangerous for Thailand’s long-term prospects. The Army has reportedly begun the process of totally dismantling the red-shirt movement in the country’s North and Northeast provinces. Troops have been sent to these peripheral regions to harass and detain its members. Already, many red-shirt villages have been closed down and core community-level leaders have been detained and released on condition that they don’t get involved in politics again. Some have been forced to befriend the yellow shirts. In early July, there were cases of Thai soldiers forcing a squid vendor to take off her red T-shirt, and a shopkeeper to remove a Pheu Thai sticker on her icebox, citing the need to prevent conflict. The eradication of red shirts could weaken democratic networks in Thailand.
Third, the coup will have implications for key independent state institutions, including the courts. It is clear that during the past decade, these institutions have not really been independent, but instruments of the traditional ruling elite used to undermine its opponents.
In the period leading up to the May coup, there was a formulated attack against democratic institutions to bring down Yingluck. These institutions have been politicized and employed by the country’s leaders to safeguard their interests. But in so doing, they have destabilized the judicial system. In the long run, if the courts cannot guarantee justice for all Thai citizens, it will remain a source of conflict. Violence could be inevitable.
Indeed, the political role of the courts has already instigated a sense of anger and resentment among the red shirts over the persistent injustice and double standards of the judicial system.
Fourth, Thai society will directly taste the sour fruit of the coup. The deep-seated polarization has gone beyond the point of reconciliation. It all began in 2005 when the yellow-shirt People’s Alliance for Democracy began politicizing the monarchy to separate itself from its enemies. A political fault line has been drawn along the monarchy to the extent that those who disagree will immediately be painted as an enemy.
Yet, the rhetoric has continued among the Royal family and Army generals about the need to create a kingdom of unity, reconciliation and, now, a “happy society.” The fact that the military has embarked on cracking down against “one color” while leaving the “other color” untouched is a double standard. The coup has done nothing but widen the rifts within Thai society. Unless all sides come to terms with the country’s political changes and begin to respect democratic rule, Thailand might never have a stable society.
Where will Thailand go from here? It seems that the military is there to stay, assuming that its political interference is linked with the Royal transition. The Army chief has not clearly stated when an election will be held. The short-term prospects for Thailand remain grim. Freedoms will be curbed, the media will be further controlled, and political parties will cease to exist.
Human rights violations will become the new normal. In the long term, Thailand will move backward, perhaps as far back as the 1960s, when authoritarian regimes were considered a political necessity, on the pretext that Thai society needs to be urgently healed and only the military can do the job.
Without a doubt, the royal succession will add another layer of complication to Thai politics. If Vajiralongkorn becomes the next king, the royalists may be unhappy, while his supporters, possibly within the red-shirt camp, may approve. This will prolong the conflict. If the Princess somehow becomes the next monarch, then a bigger problem is waiting for Thailand. A Royal struggle will come to define Thai political life, as the eligible heir apparent will exercise his legitimate right to defend his throne. Thailand could slip into a political coma.
Somewhere along this road, democracy will eventually re-emerge. The question is: when and in what form? It will take time before democracy can be restored, especially after so many years of politics being dominated by the network monarchy. Hopefully a new monarch – no matter who it is – operating in a shifting political environment will realize that the monarchy will have to adapt and become compatible with democracy. Its survival depends on how well it does so.
The Army has been entrenched in politics for several decades, and it will be a challenge for future civilian governments to depoliticize the military. It will not be an easy task, and the Army will not allow it to happen easily, as was evident in the case of Thaksin when he tried to emasculate the military during his premiership. The result was the coup of 2006.
However, one must also bear in mind that while domestic factors, such as the role of the future monarch and possible actions by the red-shirt movement, are important, international factors can also play a role in strengthening Thailand’s battered democracy. Democratization has swept across Southeast Asia, most notably Indonesia but even Myanmar seems set to go in that direction.
Thailand cannot turn its back on such a phenomenon. External pressures will come to partly influence future governments in accepting international norms and practices, and in behaving as responsible members of the international community.
Pavin Chachavalpongpun, a frequent contributor to Asia Sentinel, wrote this for the Asian Strategic Review, a journal of policy and ideas based in Indonesia.
This is excerpted from a much longer article discussing the implication of the Royal succession which can be found here
The Thai Army’s claim that it is politically neutral, is seeking to find a peaceful solution to the country’s crisis and that it genuinely wishes to broker reconciliation between different political factions is simply fraudulent.
In retrospect, from November 2013 to May 2014, it was evident that the military had cooperated closely with antigovernment protesters to make the country ungovernable in order to oust Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra, the sister of deposed premier Thaksin Shinawatra, and her government.
At the time, there were relentless anti-government demonstrations, accompanied by the occupation of state offices, the blockage of roads and highways and the disruption of general elections on Feb. 2.
The demonstrators held Bangkok hostage, defying arrest warrants and resorting to violence against some “red shirt” activists who support the Yingluck government. As antigovernment “yellow-shirt” protestors roamed the streets in defiance of the law, the military was waiting for the appropriate moment to directly intervene in civilian politics. It was clear that the chaotic situation served to legitimize the coup.
In addition, while politicians from the ruling Pheu Thai Party were summoned or even in some cases arrested after the coup, no members of the antigovernment faction led by Suthep were detained. In fact, they were allowed to continue their political activities. For example, the Suthep faction organized several post-coup parties to celebrate what was deemed a political triumph – but one that ended in a military coup.
Maj. Gen. Amnuay Nimmano, the acting deputy commander of the Bangkok Metropolitan Police, even attended a birthday party for Suthep on July 5, despite political gatherings being prohibited by the military. This reaffirmed the existence of a plot drawn up by the military and antigovernment protesters to remove Yingluck from power.
In retrospect, I was among many analysts who were initially convinced that the time was not ripe for the military to stage another coup. This was simply because the previous coup of 2006 offered various valuable lessons for the Army. That coup gave birth to the pro-Thaksin red-shirt movement with their strong anti-coup agenda. I was convinced that the military would not want to become entangled in another complicated situation. For one thing, the brutal crackdowns on the red shirts at the hands of the Army in Bangkok’s Rachaprasong district in 2010 have not been resolved, and no soldiers have been brought to justice. With this still in play, it should have kept the Army out of politics for a while.
It is important to note that the Thai Army has never worked alone in staging a coup; it has often received instructions from the Royal Palace. However, it seemed that the monarchy was not in a position currently to influence internal politics the way it once did. Partly, this is because King Bhumibol Adulyadej, 86, is in ill health, in addition to his many years of self-politicization. When there were no instructions from the palace, not making a move was usually seen as the best move for the military.
There were other political weapons that could have been used to undermine political opponents, rendering the blunt instrument of a military coup unnecessary or even counterproductive. Here, the role of the Thai courts and independent state agencies is crucial.
Months prior to the coup, these institutions apparently launched coordinated attacks against the Yingluck government, with the Constitutional Court ordering her to step down over the bizarre case of her transferring Thawin Plainsri from his post as secretary-general of the National Security Council, and then there was the Anticorruption Commission’s ardent investigation into the state rice-pledging scheme.
Topping this off, following the dissolution of parliament in December, the election commission initially obstructed the government’s plan to hold a new election. Meanwhile, the highly politicized Human Rights Commission, led by Amara Pongsapich, was rather quiet when the Suthep-led protesters threatened the electoral rights of fellow Thais by blocking polling stations and even harassing voters.
On the contrary, Amara rushed to condemn the government whenever possible, for example, by warning Yingluck not to “touch” antigovernment protesters. All this convinced me that a coup would have been redundant. Meanwhile, the Yingluck government seemed passive, with the prime minister agreeing to step down at the behest of the Constitutional Court. Obviously, there seemed to be no incentives for the coup. But how wrong I was.
Taking into consideration the context, in many ways, the coup came as a surprise. Its abrupt nature could well indicate some changes within the walls of the Royal Palace in Bangkok. Yet without solid evidence, any discussion on what could have happened among key figures of the Royal Family would only be speculation.
Instead, the 2014 coup was a Royal coup. But it is a Royal coup in a slightly different political context, compared with the one in September 2006. Back then, the military and Royal Palace worked together to try and permanently remove Thaksin, who was first elected prime minister in 2001, from Thailand’s political scene. Thaksin had emerged as a looming threat to the political domination, economic wealth and social status of the country’s old establishment.
Thaksin’s effective populist policies were successful in winning the hearts and minds of Thailand’s remote regions, thus competing with the long years of Royal projects that underpinned the relationship between the King and his subjects.
The 2014 coup was staged to manage the imminent royal succession. Therefore, it was a royal coup with the urgent task of taking back political control of Thailand. “It’s like a musical chairs game,” said Ernest Bower, an expert on Southeast Asia at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington. “When the music stops – when the king dies – whoever has power gets to organize the next steps.”
Getting rid of Thaksin and his proxies remains a priority, but more importantly, the coup makers wanted to ensure that the next monarch would benefit their own position in the country’s power structure. It is an open secret that key members of the “network monarchy,” which is driven by the old establishment, have expressed disapproval of the heir apparent, Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn.
A series of cables turned up in Wikileaks in 2010 detailing discussions between Gen. Prem Tinsulanond, head of the Privy Council; Anand Panyarachun, a former prime minister; and Siddhi Savetsila, a Privy councilor, with John Eric, who was US ambassador to Thailand 2007-2010. The contents revealed that these palace representatives perceived the Crown Prince as unsuitable to be the next monarch.
With his complicated personal life and lack of popularity and moral authority among the Thai public, the palace’s inner circles feel the Crown Prince is not a good choice. But more importantly, what the traditional elite fear most is the possibility that the Crown Prince forged some kind of political alliance with Thaksin, a claim that had been reported in the press a decade ago.
This could prove to have been the underlying cause of the 2014 coup. The military may seek to hold onto power until after the royal succession. Thailand’s military ruler and prime minister, General Prayuth, has a reputation as a staunch monarchist and has ruled that violations of the controversial lèse-majesté law – a sweeping ban against anything deemed as offending the monarchy – will be heard in military, rather than civilian, courts.
Of course, one may never know the real relationship between the Crown Prince and Thaksin. Yet, the unknown itself stirred up enough anxiety on the part of the palace and its network for it to ensure that during the royal transition, they must be in charge of the parliament and that the military will be on their side.
The elite also needed to guarantee that Thaksin and his proxies were not able to make decisions that could affect the royal succession in ways that would serve Thaksin’s own interests.
It is premature to assume that the network monarchy might already have an alternate candidate in mind to be the next monarch. But according to the Succession Law, it is clear and undeniable that the Crown Prince will ascend to the throne. He was given the title in 1972 – a quintessential step that prepares the king-in-waiting for the throne. There is a misperception that Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn, his younger sister, was elevated to Crown Princess. It is not true.
Much of the talk about other candidates reflects wishful thinking, or a lonely hope, by members of the traditional elite who may dream about replacing Vajiralongkorn with Sirindhorn.
The looming transition and its political impacts
The point of this essay is not to discuss possible candidates to become Thailand’s next monarch. Rather, it is about discussing the reasons why the royal succession has become so important for Thailand in reshaping the contour of its politics, and how the crisis has deepened on the eve of the royal transition.
First, one must come to terms with the fact that the monarchy has an immense role in politics, and that King Bhumibol has been an active political actor. The King sits at the apex of the Thai political structure, and since the early days of the Cold War, has worked closely with the military to build a new political landscape.
As Australian professor Andrew Walker argues: “Thailand’s democratic failure is the most striking legacy of his [Bhumibol’s] long reign. For decades, antidemocratic forces in Thailand have been able to use the image of the King to undermine the credibility of elected politicians. A long series of military coups have been staged in the name of the King, in order to supposedly protect the country from the depredations of corrupt politicians.
“The King has never used his pre-eminent stature to challenge the use of military force to overthrow an elected government, but has consistently permitted antidemocratic acts to be staged in his name. Since Prayuth’s seizure of power, there has not been one word from the palace about the importance of protecting Thailand's democratic system. Thailand’s overinvestment in the monarchy as a symbol of national unity means that institutions which can constructively manage conflict have never been able to flourish.”
Sadly, it is unlikely the monarchy will be willing to negotiate with democracy anytime soon.
The next significant conundrum concerns the coup’s impact on Thailand’s political and societal landscape. The fact that the monarchy has become politicized over the decades, while openly taking sides amid the political divide, will also accelerate its decline.
At the same time, there have been mounting lèse-majesté cases since the 2006 coup. The more royal defenders use the law as a weapon, the more this will hurt the monarchy, and overusing it could inevitably bring an end to the institution. Currently, there is a move by the junta to silence, not just critics of the coup, but also those critical of the monarchy. Writers and academics have been hunted, not just because they have spoken out against the coup, but also because they were seen as a threat to the monarchy.
Despite this pessimistic view of the current political crisis, the eventual Royal succession could benefit Thai democracy in the long run. Any conflict inside the palace would be a lose-lose situation for the current Chakri Dynasty. Conflict between contenders for the throne would likely bring instability to the monarchy, and possibly enable democracy to find a way to blossom.
Second, the Army itself will be affected by the coup. This is Thailand’s 19th coup since it abolished the absolute monarchy in 1932. The latest putsch will surely further deepen military involvement in Thai politics. The military has long lost its professionalism. In many ways, the coup paved the way for the military to perpetuate its role in politics. Once entering politics it is difficult to withdraw. This time, like during many past coups, the military used its so-called mission to defend the monarch to justify its intervention.
That explains why the military is keen to exploit the lèse-majesté law to prove its responsibility and duty as the defender of the monarchy, which in turn means the defender of national security. But the longer the military remains in politics, the more it will serve to obstruct democratization.
Already, the military has sought to weaken democratic institutions, aroused by the fear that strong politicians such as Thaksin could return to the political scene. It is therefore expected that the military will redesign the Constitution to be even less democratic. Some analysts already suspect that the junta will adopt Myanmar’s parliamentary model, which reserves 25 percent of its seats for the Army.
Alternatively, the coup leaders could opt for a combination of elected and appointed members of parliament. And if the ultimate objective is to take control of the Royal succession, which could be a few years away, we may see the military further entrench itself in politics.
This is dangerous for Thailand’s long-term prospects. The Army has reportedly begun the process of totally dismantling the red-shirt movement in the country’s North and Northeast provinces. Troops have been sent to these peripheral regions to harass and detain its members. Already, many red-shirt villages have been closed down and core community-level leaders have been detained and released on condition that they don’t get involved in politics again. Some have been forced to befriend the yellow shirts. In early July, there were cases of Thai soldiers forcing a squid vendor to take off her red T-shirt, and a shopkeeper to remove a Pheu Thai sticker on her icebox, citing the need to prevent conflict. The eradication of red shirts could weaken democratic networks in Thailand.
Third, the coup will have implications for key independent state institutions, including the courts. It is clear that during the past decade, these institutions have not really been independent, but instruments of the traditional ruling elite used to undermine its opponents.
In the period leading up to the May coup, there was a formulated attack against democratic institutions to bring down Yingluck. These institutions have been politicized and employed by the country’s leaders to safeguard their interests. But in so doing, they have destabilized the judicial system. In the long run, if the courts cannot guarantee justice for all Thai citizens, it will remain a source of conflict. Violence could be inevitable.
Indeed, the political role of the courts has already instigated a sense of anger and resentment among the red shirts over the persistent injustice and double standards of the judicial system.
Fourth, Thai society will directly taste the sour fruit of the coup. The deep-seated polarization has gone beyond the point of reconciliation. It all began in 2005 when the yellow-shirt People’s Alliance for Democracy began politicizing the monarchy to separate itself from its enemies. A political fault line has been drawn along the monarchy to the extent that those who disagree will immediately be painted as an enemy.
Yet, the rhetoric has continued among the Royal family and Army generals about the need to create a kingdom of unity, reconciliation and, now, a “happy society.” The fact that the military has embarked on cracking down against “one color” while leaving the “other color” untouched is a double standard. The coup has done nothing but widen the rifts within Thai society. Unless all sides come to terms with the country’s political changes and begin to respect democratic rule, Thailand might never have a stable society.
Where will Thailand go from here? It seems that the military is there to stay, assuming that its political interference is linked with the Royal transition. The Army chief has not clearly stated when an election will be held. The short-term prospects for Thailand remain grim. Freedoms will be curbed, the media will be further controlled, and political parties will cease to exist.
Human rights violations will become the new normal. In the long term, Thailand will move backward, perhaps as far back as the 1960s, when authoritarian regimes were considered a political necessity, on the pretext that Thai society needs to be urgently healed and only the military can do the job.
Without a doubt, the royal succession will add another layer of complication to Thai politics. If Vajiralongkorn becomes the next king, the royalists may be unhappy, while his supporters, possibly within the red-shirt camp, may approve. This will prolong the conflict. If the Princess somehow becomes the next monarch, then a bigger problem is waiting for Thailand. A Royal struggle will come to define Thai political life, as the eligible heir apparent will exercise his legitimate right to defend his throne. Thailand could slip into a political coma.
Somewhere along this road, democracy will eventually re-emerge. The question is: when and in what form? It will take time before democracy can be restored, especially after so many years of politics being dominated by the network monarchy. Hopefully a new monarch – no matter who it is – operating in a shifting political environment will realize that the monarchy will have to adapt and become compatible with democracy. Its survival depends on how well it does so.
The Army has been entrenched in politics for several decades, and it will be a challenge for future civilian governments to depoliticize the military. It will not be an easy task, and the Army will not allow it to happen easily, as was evident in the case of Thaksin when he tried to emasculate the military during his premiership. The result was the coup of 2006.
However, one must also bear in mind that while domestic factors, such as the role of the future monarch and possible actions by the red-shirt movement, are important, international factors can also play a role in strengthening Thailand’s battered democracy. Democratization has swept across Southeast Asia, most notably Indonesia but even Myanmar seems set to go in that direction.
Thailand cannot turn its back on such a phenomenon. External pressures will come to partly influence future governments in accepting international norms and practices, and in behaving as responsible members of the international community.
Pavin Chachavalpongpun, a frequent contributor to Asia Sentinel, wrote this for the Asian Strategic Review, a journal of policy and ideas based in Indonesia.
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If I’m charged, I know I’m in good company, says Ambiga
As police initiate investigations into Datuk Ambiga Sreenevasan, the former Bar Council president said she was proud to be among those caught in Putrajaya's sedition dragnet.
Ambiga said that the probe into her “may be a good thing” for the future generation, but added that she had yet to receive word from police, and may not even be charged.
“Nevertheless, if I am charged, I know I am in good company and am proud to stand with all the others who are presently facing the odious Sedition Act,” Ambiga told The Malaysian Insider.
The Malaysian Insider reported today that police are now investigating the Negara-Ku patron for sedition following remarks she allegedly made about Biro Tata Negara (BTN) or the National Civics Bureau at a conference in Kuala Lumpur recently.
The Malaysian Insider learnt that a police report was lodged against the lawyer by a Malay group, Persatuan Pertubuan Merah Terengganu, on October 2, after she allegedly claimed BTN camps were nothing more than brainwashing sessions to turn Malays into racists and bigots.
“I think this may turn out to be a good thing after all. Let the truth emerge,” Ambiga told The Malaysian Insider in a text message.
“We all want what is best for our children and we must never be afraid to speak up in defence of our children, the next generation, if there is any instruction that has the effect of narrowing their minds, thus depriving them of the chance of achieving intellectual excellence.”
She said as taxpayers, every Malaysian had a right to question the government’s actions.
“I note with interest that in other cases, similar words may have been used in relation to vernacular schools and no action was taken because the words are not considered seditious.
“This is why it is best to wait and see if in fact there will be a charge,” added Ambiga.
She was apparently referring to Umno deputy division chief Mohamad Azli Mohamed Saad’s call to abolish vernacular schools in the country.
It was reported yesterday that Sepang police chief Mohd Yusoff Awang said Azli’s statement did not contain seditious elements and the case has been classified as a civil matter.
“This was just a suggestion from him, not a public statement,” Yusoff was quoted as saying in a Malaysiakini report.
“Therefore, we won’t open any paper to investigate it.”
Ambiga joins a slew of opposition politicians, academics and activists who have been charged, convicted or are being investigated under the Sedition Act 1948.
Last week, constitutional expert Dr Abdul Aziz Bari was asked to give his statement to police after reports were lodged against him for allegedly insulting the Sultan of Selangor.
Earlier last month, activists Safwan Anang and Adam Adli Abd Halim were sentenced to 10 months and 12 months in prison respectively, for remarks made at a May 13 forum last year calling on the people to take to the streets over the general election results.
Activist Ali Abd Jalil faces three sedition charges for allegedly insulting the Johor royalty and the Selangor Sultan in Facebook postings. Ali, declared a prisoner of conscience by Amnesty International, was released on bail after being detained for more than 20 days.
On September 26, opposition leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim had his statement recorded by police over a report lodged against him in 2011, where he allegedly uttered seditious remarks over his second sodomy case.
On September 20, police recorded a statement from lawyer Edmund Bon, who is being investigated for sedition for saying that non-Muslims are not subject to fatwas or the Shariah courts.
Former Selangor PAS ulama committee member, Wan Ji Wan Hussin, was charged on September 10 with sedition after posting allegedly seditious words on Facebook that belittled the Selangor Sultan’s role as head of Islamic matters in the state.
On September 4, journalist Susan Loone was arrested in Penang over her article based on an interview with state executive council member Phee Boon Poh and the mass arrests of the state’s Voluntary Patrol Unit (PPS) on Merdeka Day.
Universiti Malaya law lecturer Azmi Sharom was charged with sedition on September 2 for his remarks on the 2009 Perak constitutional crisis published in an online news portal.
Other opposition politicians who have been charged with sedition include Pandan MP Rafizi Ramli, Padang Serai MP N. Surendran, Seputeh MP Teresa Kok, Batu MP Chua Tian Chang, Shah Alam MP Khalid Samad and Seri Delima assemblyman R.S.N. Rayer.
A group of United Nations (UN) human rights experts have urged Malaysia to withdraw the colonial-era law, noting that it was reportedly used to prevent Malaysians from freely expressing political opinions.
“It is time for Malaysia to adjust its legislation, including the 1948 Sedition Act, to be in line with international human rights standards, and take firm steps towards the effective enjoyment of the right to freedom of expression,” they said. – October 9, 2014.
- See more at: http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/if-im-charged-i-know-im-in-good-company-says-ambiga#sthash.8WyJayUF.dpuf
Najib Stresses Deficit Reduction Ahead Of Budget 2015
KUALA
LUMPUR, Oct 9 (Bernama) -- Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak
has stressed the importance of continuing the government's deficit
reduction measures to ensure the country achieves a balanced budget by
2020.
On the eve of unveiling the 2015 Budget in the Dewan Rakyat, he said the government was on track to meet its fiscal deficit targets which included reducing the deficit to 3.5 per cent by year-end and three per cent by end-2015.
"It is wrong to pass the burden of debt to the next generation. We must pass on a stronger economy with less debt.
"We must do what is right for Malaysia's economy, not what is popular. By doing so, we will ensure long-term prosperity for the people," he said in a statement.
Saying that the current subsidy levels were unsustainable, Najib, who is also Finance Minister, underscored his commitment to subsidy rationalisation, noting that fuel subsidies had increased from RM1.6 billion per year in 2002 to RM2 billion per month in 2014.
He added that Budget 2015 would be "pro-rakyat" and would include measures to ease concerns over the cost of living.
He also said the Budget would help enhance job opportunities, improve education and create more affordable housing.
Najib too, underlined the importance of the 1Malaysia People's Aid (BR1M) programme.
"BR1M will continue as it is part of our manifesto. It is part of our subsidy rationalisation. By switching from blanket subsidies to more targeted support, we are getting better value for money," he said.
For more information, please can contact bajet2015@treasury.gov.my. and visit www.treasury.gov.my to watch the Budget speech live, to download the Budget speech after it has been delivered, the Economic Report and other key documents.
On the eve of unveiling the 2015 Budget in the Dewan Rakyat, he said the government was on track to meet its fiscal deficit targets which included reducing the deficit to 3.5 per cent by year-end and three per cent by end-2015.
"It is wrong to pass the burden of debt to the next generation. We must pass on a stronger economy with less debt.
"We must do what is right for Malaysia's economy, not what is popular. By doing so, we will ensure long-term prosperity for the people," he said in a statement.
Saying that the current subsidy levels were unsustainable, Najib, who is also Finance Minister, underscored his commitment to subsidy rationalisation, noting that fuel subsidies had increased from RM1.6 billion per year in 2002 to RM2 billion per month in 2014.
He added that Budget 2015 would be "pro-rakyat" and would include measures to ease concerns over the cost of living.
He also said the Budget would help enhance job opportunities, improve education and create more affordable housing.
Najib too, underlined the importance of the 1Malaysia People's Aid (BR1M) programme.
"BR1M will continue as it is part of our manifesto. It is part of our subsidy rationalisation. By switching from blanket subsidies to more targeted support, we are getting better value for money," he said.
For more information, please can contact bajet2015@treasury.gov.my. and visit www.treasury.gov.my to watch the Budget speech live, to download the Budget speech after it has been delivered, the Economic Report and other key documents.
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