Azilah's Statutory declaration - Convinced of threat, I agreed to do it for my beloved nation

Almost five years after the Federal Court upheld his conviction and death sentence in January 2015, former police special action force (UTK) personnel Azilah Hadri has broken his silence on the gruesome murder of Altantuya Shaariibuu.

Seeking a review of the Federal Court's decision and re-trial, Azilah made a series of explosive allegations in a statutory declaration (SD).

He accused former premier Najib Abdul Razak and the latter's close associate Abdul Razak Baginda of ordering the killing of the Mongolian national.

He claimed that both Najib and Razak Baginda had claimed that Altantuya was a foreign spy, who was a threat to national security.

Below is the full version of Azilah's SD:

I, Azilah bin Hadri (No KIP: 1 /14055) am a Malaysian citizen who is of mature age and currently serving [a prison sentence] sentence at the Kajang prison, verily and truthfully affirm the following:

I have been tried and convicted by the Shah Alam High Court for a charge as follows:

"That you together [with Sirul Azhar Umar] between 10.00pm Oct 19, 2006 to 1.00am Oct 20, 2006 between Lot 12843 and Lot 16735, Mukim Bukit Raja in the Petaling district within the state of Selangor Darul Ehsan, in the common intention, killed by causing death to Altantuya Shaariibuu Passport No. E0217865, a citizen of Mongolia and therefore you have committed an offence punishable under section 302 of the Penal Code read together with section 34 of the same code. "

At the end of the trial, at the High Court of Shah Alam, the second accused, Sirul Azhar Umar and I were sentenced to death by hanging. The Court of Appeal later released me and Sirul from the conviction for the failure of the public prosecutor to prove the case beyond reasonable doubt.

The Federal Court, however, allowed the public prosecutor’s appeal and found Sirul and me guilty of the said charge and at the same time sentenced us to death.

I swear by the name of Allah SWT, most gracious, most merciful that I am now going through my last days before I am sentenced by hanging. I have no intention to persecute or offend any party, [and] shall state the truth, of the matter, to my knowledge of the Altantuya Shaariibuu murder, so that the truth might be be exposed. May I confront this punishment with a calm conscience and in the blessings of Allah SWT.

Oct 17, 2006: On official duty at the Sri Kenangan Residence, Pekan, DSP Musa Safri, aide-de-camp to the deputy prime minister (DPM) at that time, Najib [Abdul] Razak told me that the DPM wanted to see me. Musa told me that there was an assignment to be carried out in Kuala Lumpur.

I asked Musa what the assignment was. Musa replied: “Secret assignment involving state security.” Musa informed me that the assignment in Kuala Lumpur was at Bukit Damansara. I told Musa that it was under the jurisdiction of the Brickfields police.

Musa asked if I knew any officer at the Brickfields police headquarters. I told him that the head of the criminal investigation division, DSP Idris and I were friends when we were at the Sepang police headquarters where I was then an investigating officer.

Musa told me there was a VIP who is the special officer to the DPM and also the DPM’s friend who is facing a threat. I suggested to Musa that the said VIP lodge a police report so that the police can conduct further investigations. I said I would then contact the head of the division to assist.

Musa said this was a difficult operation and should not be made public knowledge. I sought clarification several times from Musa why this matter cannot be known publicly and why a police report cannot be made.

Musa could not explain. He then went into the house and about five minutes later, he came back and brought me to see the DPM.

Musa brought me to see the DPM in an office room at the Sri Kenangan residence in Pekan after which he left the room. The DPM asked me if I knew any police officers at the Brickfields police station to which I replied in the affirmative.

The DPM then told me that a foreign spy is in Kuala Lumpur and is trying to threaten the DPM and his special officer known as [Abdul] Razak Baginda.

The special officer was a good friend of the DPM whom I met during my official assignment in London sometime ago.

I was informed that the foreign spy was a woman and was very dangerous because of the numerous secrets she knew about national security.

The foreign spy could not approach the DPM due to the tight security [detail] and therefore the foreign spy is threatening the DPM’s special officer [instead].

The DPM instructed me to carry out a covert operation when I returned to Kuala Lumpur later.

I had to be cautious about the foreign spy woman as she is a smart talker and is cunning - one of which is that she [claims to be] is pregnant.

I told the DPM that a police report had to be made on this matter and I would ask for help from my friend at the Brickfields police headquarters but this was turned down by the DPM.

The DPM stated that this [matter] could not be publicly known as it [involved] a threat to national security. The DPM then instructed me to carry out a covert operation to arrest and destroy the spy secretly and destroy her body using explosives.

I asked the DPM what he meant by “arrest and destroy the foreign spy” and he responded: “Shoot to kill,” indicating a “neck cut signal.”

Asked about the purpose of destroying the foreign spy with explosives, the DPM replied: “Dispose the foreign spy's body with an explosive device to remove the traces. The explosives can be obtained from the UTK store [armoury].”

The DPM reminded me to carry out this covert operation carefully and with a high level of security and secrecy as it involved a threat to national security.

I suggested that the foreign spy be arrested and expelled from the country but the DPM did not agree with me. The DPM told me to keep him informed of any progress on this covert operation and to take further instructions from Musa or him.

The DPM also instructed me to meet his special officer in Kuala Lumpur for details on the foreign spy.

The DPM handed me a white Samsung mobile phone for me to be in direct contact with him. The DPM also reminded me that the mobile phone had to be disposed of after the covert operation was completed.

The DPM then asked me: “When are you going back to KL?” I replied: “Tomorrow.”

The DPM said: “When you reach KL, call my special officer. Did Musa give his phone number?” l shook my head. The DPM said: “Then my special officer will give further instructions. Follow my special officer's instructions because all the instructions come from me.”

I said “yes” before leaving the room. The meeting with the DPM was about five to 10 minutes. When I left the DPM’s room, I saw Musa sitting in a chair outside.

Musa got up and asked me to wait in the garage outside and I saw him going back into the DPM’s office.

I was waiting for Musa in the garage. He came over and gave me a phone number of the DPM’s special officer - Razak Baginda.

Musa reminded me to contact Razak Baginda upon returning to Kuala Lumpur later. I told Musa that I did not know Razak Baginda. Musa replied that I had met Razak Baginda during my services as an escort officer of the DPM in London. But I still could not remember.

Musa said he was confident that I would remember when I met Razak Baginda later. After completing the official assignment in Pekan and in Kuantan, the DPM reminded me to meet his friend - his special officer when returning to Kuala Lumpur and I replied: “OK.”

Musa also reminded me of the same thing. That night, I returned to Kuala Lumpur.

Oct 18, 2006: As soon as I arrived in Kuala Lumpur in the morning, I contacted Razak Baginda via the telephone number given by Musa the previous day. But it was the wrong number and others were answering the call.

I then contacted Musa to inform him. Musa gave Razak Baginda’s phone number again to me. I kept calling the phone number and when my call was answered, I asked whether the person I contacted was Razak Baginda and he said, “Yes”.

I introduced myself and Razak Baginda told me that he was informed that I would contact him and asked me to go to his office at Bangunan Getah Asli. I said: “OK.”

Razak Baginda then gave his office address. At that time, I wondered why it was so easy for me to meet Razak Baginda, who was a special officer of the DPM and a good friend of the DPM without any appointment.

I assumed that all meetings had been arranged by Musa or the DPM because of this covert operation involving a threat to national security.

I went to the Bangunan Getah Asli and reported at the security counter formally in accordance with the set procedures.

When I arrived at the office, I was greeted by a woman. I asked if this was the office of Razak Baginda. The woman replied in the affirmative. She asked me if I was Azilah and I said, “Yes”. I was then brought into a room.

Shortly thereafter, a man came in and introduced himself as Razak Baginda. At that time, I remembered who this VIP was. I met him in the United Kingdom a long time ago when we boarded a special chartered aircraft together from Liverpool to London with the DPM after attending the British Open.

As a security officer to the DPM when he travelled to London, I had escorted the DPM and Razak Baginda to a condominium located not far from the hotel where the DPM stayed.

During the meeting with Razak Baginda at his office, I introduced myself as a police officer from Bukit Aman UTK and that I was instructed by the DPM to meet him and Musa.

Razak Baginda told me that he was aware that I would call and meet him on the DPM’s instructions to get more information on a covert operation involving threats to national security.

Razak Baginda then told me that a foreign spy had threatened the DPM and sent a threatening letter; made a phone call; created a commotion at his office at the Bangunan Getah Asli; and also tried to go to his house but was prevented by security guards.

Razak Baginda also said the foreign spy was trailing his movements around Kuala Lumpur and Putrajaya but was unable to approach the DPM due to tight security from the UTK and the police at the official residence of the DPM.

Razak Baginda then took out several white and brown envelopes and asked me to read the contents of the letters. I asked Razak Baginda whether all the envelopes were sent by the foreign spy and he said, “Yes.”

I asked permission to view and open all the letters but Razak Baginda did not approve. I told Razak Baginda what is the point of being restricted to one letter. I was better off not reading at all.

I then handed back the letter to him and I noticed that his face changed as he did not like my response, but I ignored it. Razak Baginda was holding a piece of A4 paper and told me that I was not allowed to get a copy and could only note the important details. The details given by Razak Baginda to me while referring to the A4 paper were as follows:

- The foreign spy was a Mongolian citizen named Altantuya @ Amina who has three passports -- from Mongolia, France and Russia.

- She was intelligent, a clever speaker and a spy.

- It would be easy to recognise the foreign spy because she looked like a Chinese woman.

- Several pieces of information related to national secrets, national security assets and the DPM’s secrets are known to this foreign spy.

- The DPM is worried that this foreign spy would reveal those secrets.

- The foreign spy had come to Malaysia twice.

- She is a danger to national security, threat to national security.

- The foreign spy is full of deception among others she [claims to be] is pregnant.

- She is staying at Hotel Malaya, where there are two room numbers because the foreign spy changes room.

I asked what kind of threat did the foreign spy use to threaten him and the DPM. Razak Baginda replied that the foreign spy wanted a lot of money but he refused to entertain her.

The foreign spy threatened to leak the country's secrets that could jeopardise the security of the country if her demands were not met.

I asked what he meant by country's secrets that could threaten the security of the nation, Razak Baginda replied that she had knowledge of the details of the country's security assets, about the personal relationship of the DPM and Razak Baginda with that foreign spy.

Razak Baginda also talked about the DPM’s official visit to London to review state security assets during an air show at the Farnborough Air Show.

Razak Baginda asked me if I remembered a woman whom he and the DPM met at the lobby of a condominium in London.

I told him that I could not remember her but I remembered that I had escorted the DPM and Razak Baginda from the hotel to the condominium. Razak Baginda then told me that the woman is the foreign spy which he meant. I said, “Ok” and at the same time I tried to recall the face of the woman but it was still not clear to me.

Razak Baginda also told me that some of his people including an Indian man named Bala [believed to be the late private investigator P Balasubramaniam] monitoring the foreign spy’s movements and that I would be informed about her movements from time to time.

I suggested that a report be made for the police to take action but Razak Baginda disagreed as this would attract public attention as it involved the DPM and threats to national security. I told him that I would have nothing to do with this matter and I was reluctant to carry out this covert operation.

I told him: “If you want to file a police report, I can help.” Razak Baginda told me that the DPM had instructed me while in Pekan to carry out this covert operation for national security and the DPM believed I could carry out this operation without public knowledge.

If any issues arose, I should not worry because the DPM would “back me up”. I asked Razak Baginda how he knew that the DPM gave me instructions when in Pekan.

Razak Baginda smiled and said the DPM had contacted him. Otherwise, how could I have met him today to discuss the related matters.

Based on my observations at that time, I think it was true that Razak Baginda was a special officer of the DPM. At first, I was quite reluctant but after the explanation from Razak Baginda, I agreed to carry out the covert operation as it was the same instruction given by the DPM in Pekan.

I was then told by Razak Baginda that this foreign spy must be executed while showing a sign of “cutting the neck” with his hand [the same gesture used by the DPM in Pekan] and to destroy the foreign spy's body using explosives.

I also told Razak Baginda that this was a big thing and I was not able to do it but Razak Baginda told me that this was a directive from the DPM because the DPM trusted me.

According to him, Musa had suggested my name to the DPM. I told him that this matter must be made known to my superiors at UTK but Razak Baginda told me this was a directive from the DPM. He said the operation had to be carried out secretly and most importantly, this covert operation must be carried out soon without public knowledge.

For certainty, I asked Razak Baginda again, if this directive was from the DPM and Razak Baginda replied, “Yes.”

According to Razak Baginda, he is the closest person to the DPM and had worked and cooperated with the DPM on national security. I believed the information given by Razak Baginda to me was the same as the information and instructions given by the DPM in Pekan.

I also believed that the covert operation to execute and destroy the foreign spy was directed by the DPM.

As a result of the discussions with the DPM and Razak Baginda, I believed that this was a covert operation and must be kept confidential from public knowledge for national security reasons.

After discussing with Razak Baginda at the Bangunan Getah Asli, I called Musa and told him the result of the discussions with Razak Baginda. At first, I was still reluctant to agree to this covert operation as I would be unable to execute it alone but Musa told me that I could find another trusted member to assist in this covert operation.

I then suggested Musa to inform my superior officer in UTK or at least my commanding officer (CO) because my instructions must come from my commanding officer. I also told Musa that he was not my “CO.”

Musa said the covert operation is not to be known to the CO as I was now under his (Musa's orders) and that his instructions came directly from the DPM.

At that time, I asked myself who would dare disobey the DPM's instructions, who was then also the minister of defence?

I felt guilty. Since this covert operation involved a threat to national security, I then decided to believe and adhere to the instructions of the DPM.

Musa reminded me to run this covert operation and report to him so that he can report it directly to the DPM. I called and asked Musa if there is a guarantee of protection arising from this covert operation and would they be resolved by Razak Baginda and the DPM in terms of confidentiality and security.

Musa said “yes” and reasoned that was why it was not necessary to tell my CO of this covert operation as the assurances covered confidentiality on all the security matters.

Because of these assurances, I became more confident with Musa's explanation. After reviewing the direct instructions I received from the DPM when I met him in Pekan and the encounter with Razak Bagiunda and having received the same instructions as the DPM’s instructions in Pekan, I agreed.

I also took cognizance of the detailed information on the foreign spy. I was convinced that this covert operation was important because it involved the security of the nation.

I sincerely agreed to carry out this covert operation for the sake of my beloved country.

On the same day, I found out that Sirul was a “standby driver” at the office. I contacted Sirul and waited for him at the side of the street opposite the Central Market [in Kuala Lumpur]. I went to Sirul's car and told him about the covert operation, including the meeting with Musa and the DPM in Pekan and the meeting with Razak Baginda and the telephone conversation with Musa earlier.

Sirul agreed to join the covert operation. We then went to Razak Baginda's residence in Bukit Damansara and later to Hotel Malaya to identify the target.

I contacted Razak Baginda, Musa and the DPM and informed them about Sirul’s involvement in this covert operation and obtained their permission.

The DPM told me “proceed.” I told Sirul that I am going to escort DPM to Hong Kong in the near future and if the target is identified and if he is ready to act, I would contact him. Sirul answered “Ok.”

I assigned the job of immediately obtaining explosives from the UTK armory to Sirul because of the urgency of this covert operation. With the target already in Kuala Lumpur, the operation could be carried out any time.

Sirul understood the ethics involved in carrying out such operations as he was a member of the UTK operations team, who was experienced in carrying out covert operations related to threats to national security.

Oct 19, 2006: While at the UTK office in Bukit Aman, I was instructed to prepare to travel as the DPM’s escort officer to Hong Kong. Along with seven other members, we made preparations. Weapons including guns and two armed magazines were handed over for customs and security declaration purposes. I packed my clothes and my team was instructed to be ready at any time to move.

The same afternoon, I was informed that the assignment to Hong Kong was cancelled and ASP Azani asked me to replace him as chief escort officer to the DPM the next day. At that time, the DPM was still outside Kuala Lumpur and the team of DPM's escorts were at RMAF Subang waiting for the arrival of the DPM.

After breaking fast with L/Kpl Rohaniza in Petaling Jaya, I went to the UTK office to pack my clothes for the purpose of escorting within the country. The group of DPM's escorts would be housed in Putrajaya that night.

When I was at the UTK office, Razak Baginda called me and told me that the “Chinese woman” with Bala was in front of his home in Bukit Damansara and asked me to act.

Since it involved a woman, I called L/Kpl Rohaniza to go to Bukit Damansara. I called Sirul and he told me he was going to Bukit Damansara. On arriving at Bukit Damansara, in front of Razak Baginda’s house, I saw a Chinese woman and an Indian guy standing beside a taxi.

At that time, I suspected that this was the Chinese woman or foreign spy that Razak Baginda had meant. It occurred to me that I had seen this woman during my official escort duty of the DPM and Razak Baginda at a condominium in London, where I saw both the DPM and Razak Baginda meeting her in the condominium lobby.

At that time, I was directed to wait in the lobby of the condominium where the three returned to the lobby of the condominium.The DPM, Razak Baginda, and the woman came out of the elevator. I continued to escort the DPM and Razak Baginda out of the condominium but the woman did not follow.

I was approached by the Indian man and he asked if I was Azilah from UTK. I was surprised how the Indian man knew my name and presence. The Indian man introduced himself as Bala and he told me: “This is the woman who has a problem with Razak Baginda.”

I contacted Razak Baginda for clarification if this woman with this Indian man called Bala was the foreign spy and the target for this covert operation. Razak Baginda said, “Yes”. Razak Baginda also reminded me not to talk much with the foreign spy because she is a good talker and convincing liar.

I took note of the reminder and tried to contact Musa but failed. I also tried to contact the DPM via the phone he handed to me but failed to contact him.

I called Razak Baginda again and informed him that I had tried to contact Musa and the DPM but failed because their phones were switched off. Razak Baginda instructed me to continue the covert operation as instructed by the DPM.

I contacted Sirul and informed him that the Chinese woman or target is in front of Razak Baginda’s house. Sirul said, “Ok” and told me that he was heading there. I waited for Sirul to arrive and when he arrived, I got out of the red [Proton] Wira car from which I arrived in .

I saw the Chinese woman and the Indian guy walking towards the car talking to each other. I told Rohaniza to sit in the rear seat with the Chinese woman. Bala closed the door while Sirul sat in the front passenger seat. When I wanted to make a U-turn, a Chinese man [taxi driver] came to ask for taxi fare and I gave him money.

We left Razak Baginda's house and arrived at a junction, Sirul asked to be dropped there because he wanted to take his own car and we agreed to meet at Bukit Aman.

I continued to Bukit Aman and on my way introduced myself as a police officer to the Chinese woman and advised her not to make a commotion in front of Razak Baginda’s house.

The Chinese woman told me not to be rough with her as she was pregnant. At that time, I assumed that was just a lie based on the information given to me by the DPM and Razak Baginda.

The Chinese woman agreed to heed my advice and I informed Sirul about it. Upon our arrival at Bukit Aman, I went to Sirul’s car and I ordered the Chinese woman to enter Sirul’s car.

Then I ordered L/Kpl Rohaniza to go back and I told her I would contact her to help send me to Putrajaya when I had completed my assignment.

I then contacted Razak Baginda that night and told him that I have brought the Chinese woman from the front of his house and I had also advised her.

Razak Baginda told me that the Chinese woman was dangerous and [asked me] to follow the instructions given by the DPM. Razak Baginda said that everything would be settled once the Chinese women is eliminated.

That same night, Sirul and I carried out the covert operation as instructed by the DPM based on the information provided through his aide-de-camp Musa and the special officer and his friend Razak Baginda.

Before the foreign spy was killed, she informed me that she knew it was “Mr. Razak” who sent me and Sirul to kill her. When I asked her who she meant by “Mr. Razak”, the woman replied: “Deputy prime minister.” The foreign spy also told me that she was pregnant.

Immediately after the covert operation, I telephoned Razak Baginda and informed him that the covert operation had been carried out and Razak Baginda replied, “Ok.”

I also tried to contact Musa and the DPM via telephone but both could not be reached. Razak Baginda told me that he would inform them.

Oct 20, 2006: I was on duty as the DPM’s chief escort officer and was waiting for the DPM at his official residence in Sri Satria, Putrajaya.

While waiting for the DPM to leave his house for the office, I chatted with Musa who told me that Razak Baginda had telephoned him and told him that the covert operation was carried out the previous night. Musa said he had informed the DPM who would see me later.

Musa told me that the DPM was glad about the successful operation which was carried out by me and Sirul. I kept silent because at that time, it was an open place and inappropriate to discuss secret matters. Musa acknowledged my response and reaction.

The DPM then came out of his house and went towards the car. The DPM smiled at me and shook my hands while saying: “Congrats” and “Thank you.” I just smiled and went straight into the car and headed to the DPM’s office. Upon arrival at the car park of the DPM’s office, we walked together towards the elevator at the DPM’s office.

The DPM spoke to me softly, asked me to maintain contact with Musa and I agreed.

After the DPM arrived at the office, Musa called me to his office and asked about the covert operation. I told him everything went well and that I had informed Razak Baginda.

I also told Musa that I had telephoned him and the DPM but both of them could not be reached. Musa told me that he had switched off his phone because he had a job to do with the DPM outside Kuala Lumpur and returned late.

I then contacted Razak Baginda and he told me that he had informed the DPM and Musa. I told him that Musa had told me the same that morning.

According to Razak Baginda, the DPM was glad that the covert operation had been completed and [told me] not to worry as Sirul and I had carried out instructions and that the DPM was in control.

Oct 21, 2006: During the time I was at Musa’s office, I was given RM2,000 to be divided among all the members of the DPM’s escort team.

The DPM also gave (Hari Raya) money to his staff. After completing my duty at the DPM’s office, the DPM, at his residence, gave Raya money to all UTK members who escorted him. The DPM then called me into a room and gave me RM300 as Raya money and he told me that he was satisfied with the covert operation that Sirul and I had carried out. The DPM congratulated me and was happy that the covert operation was completed while reminding me to keep it a secret. I agreed.

At midnight, Razak Baginda telephoned me several times while I was sleeping. When I woke up, I contacted him. Razak Baginda told me there was a commotion outside his house in Bukit Damansara and according to him, there were foreign women creating a disturbance and he had sought help from Musa and another police officer, SM Alias.

Razak Baginda requested me to come over but I was unable to go. I immediately called SM Alias and SM Alias told me there were foreign women trying to make noise in front of Razak Baginda’s house. They were also trying to get into his house and that police personnel in a patrol car had resolved the issue and the situation was under control.

Oct 22, 2006: I contacted Musa and told him about the commotion at Razak Baginda's house the previous night. Musa was aware as Razak Baginda had contacted him.

DSP Musa asked me if I had completed the covert operation as instructed as there was still a commotion by foreign women. I told Musa that Sirul and I had carried carried out the covert operation. I told him I had not made a mistake because it was Razak Baginda's man – Bala - who identified her at that time.

Sirul and I were not familiar with the foreign Chinese woman spy. DSP Musa was worried how this could happen again and how was he going to inform the DPM about the incident at Razak Baginda's house.

I told Musa to check and get clarification from Razak Baginda because the final identification of the target came from Razak Baginda and his own personnel.

During the time when I was escorting the DPM, I met Musa and he told me that the commotion outside Razak Baginda's house was caused by the foreign spy's friends who were under the impression that Razak Baginda had hidden the woman and the commotion was due to Razak Baginda refusal to come out [of the house].

Before the DPM got into his car to go to the office, the DPM told me not to be concerned as everything was under control and that the incident at Razak Baginda’s house was just a misunderstanding. I just nodded my head.

Upon arrival at the DPM’s office, Musa met the DPM in the office for about 10 minutes. Later, Musa called me to his office and told me that the DPM was informed by Razak Baginda and the DPM assured that there was nothing to worry about and everything would be fine.

If any matters arose, Musa told me to inform him so that he could refer to the DPM for further instructions. I just kept quiet. After Musa's explanation, I conducted DPM's daily routine in Putrajaya and Klang Valley for several days. Occasionally, I came across Razak Baginda at the DPM's office in Putrajaya and at the DPM's official residence.

Nothing strange or unusual happened while I was doing escort duties for the DPM until Oct 31, 2006 when Musa summoned me to his office.

Oct 31, 2006: While carrying out the DPM's escort duties in Putrajaya, Musa called me to his office and told me that he and Razak Baginda had been called to the Brickfields police station and had met my friend, DSP Idris Karim, to assist the inquiry about the commotion in front of Razak Baginda’s house.

Musa told me that DSP Idris required me to assist in the investigation and I replied, “Ok”. Musa also told me that he had informed Supt Mastor (my CO) that Idris wanted me to go to Brickfields to assist in the investigation regarding the incident at Razak Baginda's house.

Musa assured me there was nothing to worry about or be afraid of because the DPM would “back me up” as long as it does not involve the DPM's name. Musa also reminded me to keep his

involvement secret because the DPM is influential and would help anyone in any matter arising from the covert operation.

This was the assurance from the DPM so long as his good name was not implicated. This explanation from Musa caused me to suspect the truth of the covert operation which Sirul and I had carried out.

I received direct instructions from the DPM in Pekan and further information from Razak Baginda about the foreign spy's movements in Kuala Lumpur.

The last identification resulted in me and Sirul picking up the foreign spy in front of Razak Baginda's house. Musa's explanation that this confidential information should not be communicated to my CO in UTK caused some concerns.

I was confused and felt that I was being played out and used by the DPM, Razak Baginda and Musa. I tried to contact Sirul but failed.

That afternoon Khairi contacted me and instructed me to go to the Brickfields police station to assist in the investigation of a police report on the disappearance of a foreign woman and a commotion in Bukit Damansara.

He told me that Inspector Zaidi would take over my duties and I replied, “Ok”. I contacted Mastor, who was my commanding officer and informed him that I was required to go to Brickfields to assist in the investigation.

Mastor replied, “Ok” and asked me to make sure there was a replacement and he also told me that he was briefed by Musa about the need to assist in the investigation.

Later that afternoon, Zaidi told me he was instructed to replace me to escort the DPM in Putrajaya.

Nov 1, 2006: DSP Musa instructed me to go to see him at the DPM's office before going to Brickfields. I went to see Musa at his office. Musa greeted and hugged me. I wondered why DSP Musa hugged me because he had never hugged me before.

I tried to get clarification from Musa on what really happened in this covert operation. I saw Musa’s dejected face and he was sort of speechless.

Musa brought me to see the DPM. I told them that I would be going to the police headquarters in Brickfields to meet with Idris to assist in the investigation.

I was sure it was about the covert operation that Sirul and I had carried out. I was angry but I could control myself. The DPM told me everything would be settled and to follow the procedure.

The DPM said he would assist in whatever issues that arose and that it was important that the secrecy of the covert operation be kept secret without fail. This assurance given by the DPM gave me the confidence to go to Brickfields.

Before I went to Brickfields, I contacted Mastor and he informed me to report to him directly on any development.

When I reached the Brickfields police station, I met Idris where he was the head of the CID. Idris was busy at that time because there were police officers in his office.

When he saw me, he asked me to go to the office and we chatted as usual because I did not see him for some time. Idris contacted a police officer and said that I was in his office.

Idris told me that Musa and Razak Baginda had been called previously to assist investigation into the case of the missing Mongolian woman.

Idris told me that the investigation had been taken over by the Kuala Lumpur police headquarters. Shortly thereafter, an assistant superintendent named Tony [Lunggan] entered Idris' office.

Idris told me that Tony was the investigating officer of the case and he would take me to the Kuala Lumpur police headquarters. Before leaving, Idris hugged me and whispered to me to be patient and hoped this investigation would be completed soon and I would not have any problems.

I saw tears running down his cheeks. I shook hands with him and he told me that the DPM liked me and trusted me. I ignored those words as they could be a compliment or a sarcastic remark.

I contacted Mastor and he answered by asking me if the investigation had been completed and told me: “Hurry!” I told him I was going to the city police headquarters as the investigation had been taken over by D9 [serious crime division] Kuala Lumpur.

Mastor replied “Ok” in a disappointed tone. I then went with ASP Tony and another officer to the Kuala Lumpur police headquarters.

Upon arriving at IPK Kuala Lumpur, I was taken to an interrogation room and on the way, I passed by other rooms where I saw a fax machine printing a phone bill with the DPM's name.

Next to the fax machine I saw the bills of the phone numbers that I used. At that time, the gun that I used for escort duties was still in my possession. I was questioned by four or five detectives and an officer, ASP Samsudin. Shortly thereafter, I was brought into an identification parade with a one-way mirror.

I could vaguely see an Indian man – Bala - with DSP Gan coming in and going out. I knew that Bala was identifying me.

Investigations then resumed and various techniques [were employed], some were gentle and persuasive, but I knew all these was part of their job.

The feeling of anger was there due to the provocation from the investigation carried out by them and if I lost my senses and control, anything could have happened at that time. I held on to the assurance given by Musa not to implicate the good name of the DPM.

The interrogation was carried out from morning to evening. During the interrogation, I was silent and I just answered what was asked. After office hours, I was taken to a room of one of the D9 IPK Kuala Lumpur officers.

I saw Mastor and Khairi sitting with a Chinese offer, whose name I do not remember. Mastor stated that he was informed by Musa and asked if I would like to hand over any personal belongings to him. I handed over my wallet. I also stated that I had a gun and I saw their faces change. I handed over an armed magazine after I disarmed my gun before handing it over to Mastor.

When the gun was handed, I saw clearly the relief on their faces. When I turned back, there were many other officers outside the room.

When D9 officers, including Khairi, took my gun and left, Mastor whispered to me and told me not to mention the DPM in this investigation and that the DPM would assist me. He also told me to cooperate in the interrogation process so that the investigation could be completed swiftly. I agreed.

While I was in remand at the Sungai Buloh Prison, lawyer Zulkifli Noordin [former PKR MP] frequently came to see me and he promised to be my lawyer.

As a lawyer, he needed information on my case to prepare the defence for the trial in court. In the discussions in preparation of the trial, Zulkifli prepared a representation to the Attorney-General's Chambers for reduction of the charge from section 302 of the Penal Code to 304 of the Penal Code on the grounds that I acted on instructions from my superiors.

Zulkifli provided the defence of obeying “orders from superiors” for my case but I did not agree with that defence. At that time, the Ijok by-election was around the corner. Through the information which I received from my family and friends who visited me at the prison, I was informed that the situation was quite bad as Zulkifli had used my case as campaign material for PKR on the issue of the murder of a Mongolian woman involving the DPM.

I felt uneasy that Zulkifli had used my case as election campaign material and this involved the DPM. I had already been told by the DPM to keep it a secret.

For me, Zulkifli as a lawyer was responsible to maintain the confidentiality of his client’s instructions but unfortunately this did not happen. I was disappointed with Zulkifli’s actions.

For that reason, I discussed my case with other lawyers, among others, the lawyer of my prisoner friend, Sahari Usul, a lawyer named Kuldeep Kumar.

After being satisfied with my discussion with Kuldeep Kumar, I decided to appoint him as my lawyer and instructed him to write to Zulkifli to terminate his services.

During remand, Razak Baginda also told me not to appoint Zulkifli as my lawyer because he was a member of the opposition. He reasoned how the DPM could assist me if my lawyer was from the opposition.

Razak Baginda told me that I should appoint another lawyer and only then, the DPM could provide assistance in my case.

Razak Baginda also promised me when he was set free, he would help me and Sirul. At the same time, I had appointed Dato' Hazman Ahmad as my lawyer.

I state that during the course of this covert operation, I acted in accordance with the instructions of the DPM who was also the defence minister based on information provided by Razak Baginda and Musa.

I was convinced that this covert operation involved intelligence as well as threats to national security and a high degree of confidentiality was required.

I had no motive whatsoever to plan and kill the deceased except upon the instructions which I received as an operative officer acting as the assault commander of the PDRM [UTK] where I had been involved in various other national security and public order operations.

I also wish to state that I am conscious and matured enough to evaluate any assignment entrusted to me with regard to any national security operation, especially when it involves the life of a targeted person and threat to national intelligence.

I would have never carried out any operations if I had I not received instructions from my superiors.

Any information regarding this target would not have reached me unless it was given by Musa and Razak Baginda.

I would not have carried out this covert operation to kill and eliminate the deceased if it was not for the instructions from the DPM, who was also defence minister at the time.

I was also convinced by Musa that this covert operation was absolutely essential for the security of the country in which I, as a public servant, had in good faith carried out his instructions.

I am willing to give my life for my beloved country. I would not have got Sirul involved in this covert operation unless I had obtained permission from the DPM, Razak Baginda and DSP Musa.

If I am allowed to defend myself and give evidence under oath in any criminal or civil case involving the murder of Altantuya Shaariibuu, I would give a detailed explanation of this case.

I make this solemn declaration conscientiously believing the same to be true, and in accordance with the provisions of the Statutory Declarations Act, 1960.

The above is an English translation of Azilah Hadri's statutory declaration in Bahasa Malaysia. The English version has been edited for grammar and brevity.

Malaysian armed forces chief in Myanmar to repair relations

Gen Zulkifeli has met Myanmar president and its commander-in-chief to smoothen strained relations between the two countries, says report.

YANGON: Malaysian armed forces chief Gen Zulkifeli Mohd Zin met Myanmar’s president U Htin Kyaw and commander-in-chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing here yesterday.

According to the Myanmar Times, the meeting was to smoothen Myanmar-Malaysia ties following the harsh criticism of the Myanmar government by Prime Minister Najib Razak at a rally in Kuala Lumpur on Sunday.

A statement released by the Myanmar commander-in-chief’s office said Aung Hlaing told Zulkifeli that no human rights violations had taken place against Muslim Rohingya.

The statement also read that Myanmar authorities could not lie about this given the local and international media focus on the state, according to the report.

A statement from the president’s office said Htin Kyaw too held discusions with Zulkifeli.

It said the president’s office blamed the diplomatic tensions on “false news” and that the Myanmar government was working to resolve the issues in Rakhine state in accordance with existing laws and human rights standards.

At a rally attended by about 10,000 people at Titi­wang­sa Stadium on Sunday, Najib lambasted the Myanmar government for its alleged mistreatment of Rohingya Muslims. It was the first time in recent years that an Asean leader had criticised another Asean nation over internal matters.

Meanwhile, the Myanmar Times report also quoted analysts on Najib’s actions and the consequences on relations between the two nations.

Bangkok-based expert on Asean affairs Kavi Chongkittavorn said Najib’s action was an attempt to gain votes from the Malaysian Muslim community. He said Najib could have made known his concern more effectively through discreet diplomacy.

Adviser to former Myanmar president U Thein Sein, U Ko Ko Hlaing, was quoted as saying Najib’s action was aimed at diverting public attention away from corruption allegations levelled against him.
He said such “inteference” was not good for Asean unity.

The Myanmar Times reported that a group of Muslim organisations in Myanmar had released an open letter to the Malaysian government expressing disapproval of Putrajaya’s response.

In the letter, which was delivered to the Malaysian embassy yesterday, they said Najib’s remarks and actions would do more harm than good for the Muslims in Myanmar.

Be a man, sue me, Muhyiddin challenges Najib

Former deputy prime minister Muhyiddin Yassin has dared his former boss Najib Abdul Razak to sue him, if allegations about the premier's corruption are not true.

This is in regard to accusations that Najib had swindled public money through 1MDB, causing much national hardship.

"I challenge Najib to deny this. Answer these accusations yourself.

"Do not use running dogs like (your press secretary) Tengku Sariffuddin (Tengku Ahmad) and others to answer for you and shield you.

"Be a man. I challenge Najib to sue me if what I say is untrue," Muhyiddin said in a statement today.

He said this when responding to Tengku Sariffuddin, who had said the former was making claims that Najib had RM4 billion in his accounts to distract from an alleged affair.

Najib has denied misusing public funds, dismissing them as part of a plot to topple him.

Attorney-general Mohamed Apandi Ali had also cleared the prime minister of any criminal misconduct in the 1MDB scandal.

However, Muhyiddin said Najib's alleged corruption was shown in the US Department of Justice's (DOJ) lawsuits on the embezzlement of 1MDB funds.

"The corrupt high-ranking official in the Malaysian government identified by DOJ as 'Malaysian Official 1' is none other than PM Najib Razak. PM Najib Razak is MO1 who had schemed with Jho Low and Riza Aziz to plunder 1MDB of the billions that have been lost."

Minister in the Prime Minister's Department Abdul Rahman Dahlan had confirmed with the BBC that Najib is MO1.

The DOJ in its legal lawsuits claimed that MO1 had received US$731 million allegedly stolen from 1MDB funds.

Rahman, however, said Najib was not part of the DOJ's suit to seize back more than US$1 billion in assets purchased with monies allegedly siphoned from 1MDB.

He also said there was no need for Najib to step down.

Muhyiddin: RM1bil already in PM's account before 'Arab donation'

Former deputy prime minister Muhyiddin Yassin claimed close to RM1 billion was already in Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak's personal bank account even before the widely reported RM2.6 billion came in.

Najib had claimed the US$681 million which he received in March 2013, widely referred to as the RM2.6 billion based on the exchange rate when it was first publicised in July last year, was a donation from a member of the Arab royal family.

Muhyiddin said he learnt about the deposits prior to the purported 'Arab donation' from then attorney-general Abdul Gani Patail, who had shared the information with him.

"The former attorney-general did mention - before he suffered the same fate as me by being sacked - there was already almost RM1 billion in Najib's account before that (RM2.6 billion controversy).

"So in total, it was around RM4 billion in the prime minister's account. Can you believe it?" he told a ceramah in Ketereh, Kelantan yesterday.

A video recording of the ceramah was uploaded on Gerakan Harapan Baru TV and KiniTV.

Muhyiddin said he almost passed out after he looked at the figures in Najib's personal bank account.

"The attorney-general at that time... he showed me - I almost fainted looking at that much money in Najib's account.

"I felt like fainting but luckily I didn't," he said.

Muhyiddin's claim appear to corroborate a report by Australia-based ABC News in March which put the peak figure in Najib's bank account at US$1.051 billion (RM4.202 billion) based on bank statements.

According to the report, prior to RM2.6 billion deposit from Tanore Finance, Najib also received US$120 million from Blackstone Asia Real Estate Partner Ltd (BVI), US$80 million from Saudi Arabia's Ministry of Finance and US$75 million from Prince Faisal bin Turkey bin Bandar Alsaud.

The US Department of Justice (DOJ) also highlighted deposits not mentioned or disclosed in the ABC News report, including an additional US$10 million on Feb 23, 2011 and another US$10 million on June 13, 2011 from Prince Faisal, referred to as "PetroSaudi co-founder".

An additional US$5 million on Oct 30, 2012 and US$25 million on Nov 19, 2012 also came in from Blackstone Asia Real Estate Partner Ltd (BVI), according to the DOJ.

This put the total sum prior to the RM2.6 billion deposit at US$325 million, or just under RM1 billion based on the exchange rate in 2011 and 2012.

The DOJ claimed the deposits from Tanore Finance, Blackstone Asia Real Estate Partner Ltd and the PetroSaudi co-founder originated from 1MDB.

The DOJ, claimed more than US$3.5 billion was allegedly misappropriated from 1MDB, largely focused on the money trail that passed through the US financial system.

Najib had denied wrongdoing and said he had never taken public funds for personal gain.

Attorney-general Mohamed Apandi Ali had also cleared the prime minister of wrongdoing.

Muhyiddin was removed as deputy prime minister in July last year, the same month when the RM2.6 billion deposit came to light.

Muhyiddin claimed he was removed after confronting Najib about the deposits.

His sacking coincided with the removal of then attorney-general Abdul Gani Patail.

Malaysiakini has sent a query to the Prime Minister's Office over the matter.

Dr M expected to attend ‘TangkapMO1' rally

Dr Mahathir Mohamad is expected to make an appearance at the ‘TangkapMO1' rally at Dataran Merdeka tomorrow, according to former Umno man Khairuddin Abu Hassan.

"InsyaAllah (God willing), Tun Mahathir will attend the TangkapMO1 rally for a brief period in the afternoon.

"This decision was made to fulfil the request by the Persatuan Mahasiswa Melayu Malaysia, which insisted on Mahathir's presence at the event tomorrow," he told Malaysiakini.

There had been much speculation as to whether Mahathir, who is Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak's fiercest critic, would show up tomorrow.

Last August, the 91-year-old former premier, who was recently admitted for a chest infection, made a surprise appearance at the Bersih 4 gathering, which demanded Najib’s resignation.

Khairuddin added that he personally hoped all the people of Malaysia would attend en masse to give moral support to the rally tomorrow.

On the other hand, there has been no directive from the PAS leadership to its members to attend the 'TangkapMO1' rally.

PAS assistant secretary-general (1) Khairul Faizi Ahmad Kamil said he could not say whether the Islamic party has allowed its members to attend the rally.

"So far, there have been no instructions. I cannot respond to that question.

"We will just await further instructions from the secretary-general," he said at a press conference at the PAS headquarters in Kuala Lumpur today.

Meanwhile, Amanah Youth said in a statement today that it would mobilise its members to attend the gathering tomorrow.

The other youth wings of Pakatan Harapan will also be doing the same, said Amanah Youth national deputy chief Shazni Munir Mohd Ithnin.

He said that they hoped the police, as an institution responsible for the peace and safety of the rakyat, would maintain the peace throughout the rally by preventing any provocation from any parties.

"At the same time, Amanah Youth hopes that the true reason behind this rally – to catch, investigate and deliver justice to Malaysian Official 1 – would be achieved by the rakyat," he said.

The organisers of the 'TangkapMO1' rally had released a FAQ (frequently asked questions today), with guidelines for the rally.

They advised people to gather at the meeting points, Sogo or Masjid Negara, at 2pm tomorrow.

At Masjid Negara, they will gather with political leaders while at Sogo, they will be gathering with NGO leaders.

"Don't ask where Malaysian Official 1 (MO1) will gather, that one we also don't know, maybe at Putrajaya," the organisers joked.
Once a healthy number of people have gathered, they will then march to Dataran Merdeka, while listening to speeches and watching performances from the youths.

Follow instructions

The organisers say the most important thing is to wait and follow the instructions of the rally commanders, who are students who will introduce themselves.

The clothing theme of the rally is black and white and people are advised to wear comfortable shoes.

Once at Dataran Merdeka, they will sing and shout their demands. There will also be a gimmick performance by the organisers' spokesperson Anis Syafiqah Mohd Yusof.

"There won't be any long-winded speeches," they said.

Responding to questions whether the rally will be safe, the organisers said: "We have 200 safety volunteers on standby. The one who is not safe right now is MO1.”

They added that if participants are arrested, they should not panic but contact them (organisers) and a lawyer will be provided.

They advised the people not to get too friendly with police officers if they are arrested, saying that they only need to provide their name, IC number and address. They also advised the people to use their right to remain silent.

Everyone should bring some water for drinking and also some salt if they want.

"There are no laws stopping the people from keeping salt in their bags," they said.

Salt is said to be able to relieve irritation and pain from tear gas chemicals.

If anyone falls sick, they can contact the safety officers as there is a medical squad on standby.

"To fight MO1, we have to prepare everything," the organisers said.

Previously, the organisers had confirmed that the gathering would go on as planned despite inspector-general of police Khalid Abu Bakar saying that police will not allow the rally to be held in Dataran Merdeka as the organisers did not get permission from Kuala Lumpur City Hall (DBKL).

The US Department of Justice had claimed that US$731 million made its way into the accounts of MO1, an unnamed civil servant who is related to Najib's stepson Riza Aziz.

Riza and a businessman Jho Low, who is said to be close to the prime minister’s family, were named in the court filings.

Critics claimed that MO1 is none other than Najib himself.

However, Najib has denied allegations of misusing public funds, saying such accusations were part of a plot to topple him.

Attorney-general Mohamed Apandi Ali also cleared the prime minister of any wrongdoing.

Not one more Indian vote to Barisan Nasional

Once bitten twice shy is an old and wise saying.

Bitten by BN is a mild way of saying it but what the BN coalition and Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak has done to the Indian community of Malaysia is far worse. They are now committing a severe breach of contract on promises they made and signed into a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) - on April 18, 2013 with Hindraf acting as the representative organisation for the Indian community of Malaysia.

Here are some excerpts from that historic document - as samples of what were agreed upon. You can see the scale and scope of what was promised. There is much more elsewhere in that MOU contract document.

The MOU required the BN government to come up with programmes to double the mean monthly family income by 2018 from 2013 levels for all families earning less than RM3,000 per month. That is at least about 40 percent of the Indian families in the country. Absolutely nothing has happened on this. There has been no socio-economic development programmes targeting this group or even ng them access to some other general socio-economic development programmes.

It is now well three years into the MOU contract of five years. The BN coalition and Najib are clearly indicating that terms like this were meant to be nothing more than embellishments to buy the Indian vote when they needed their votes most desperately in the 13th general election. If in three years nothing has happened we can only conclude that nothing will happen at all on this count. Breach, deception, political trickery - call it what you want.

There is not any sign of a housing programme to provide decent and affordable housing to the displaced estate worker community - let alone a hundred thousand houses. Yes that is what was promised. Does anyone see anything remotely like that happening? It is actually quite saddening to see the scale of the deception.

Very little to nothing has been done to alleviate the problem of former estate temples being on private land and being continuous targets of demolition and eviction. This problem remains till today at the same level it has been in recent years. What hopes there were when the agreement was signed that there would be a robust solution to a nagging problem of a section of Malaysian society? All such hopes have been lost .

This was more icing that Najib gave on the cake of the big lie to the Indian community.

The contract requires the BN government to establish clear policies and programmes to eliminate the problem of statelessness experienced by a large number of Indian Malaysians. Every day new cases keep coming up on top of the what already exists. The problem does not look like it is going to go away any time soon.

There is completely a lack of willingness on the part of the BN government to address the root causes of the problem. They set up something called the Special Implementation Task Force (SITF) whose job it is to work on eliminating the problem. But all they are able to do is give out forms (borangs) to the illiterate and semi-literate people and who are required to produce voluminous information.

When are very falteringly able to do that, it takes months and years if at all before they will get something positive. When they fail to produce the information they are blamed for the persistence of the problem. The positive approach envisaged in the MOU has been completely obliterated. Does this government deserve any love from the Indian community?

No accounting yet from the Najib gov’t

This is a sample of the type of sharing that was envisaged in the education field. But considering the breadth of the requirements covered and that were recorded in the MOU agreement , what is happening today is little more than eyewash. With recent cutbacks in the budget, the allocations have been further slashed. Statistics are hidden behind the Official Secrets Act (OSA), there is no accounting yet from the Najib government on this matter.

To save his grace, Najib has thrown bits and pieces here and there and his cronies turn that into a “Najib is the PM who has done the most for the Indian community” label. Political trickery all the way.

Najib sets up a ghostly organisation called the Socio-Economic Development for the Indian Community (Sedic) and gives it some piddly funds, and Sedic for its part makes a big deal about giving that money out to the people through NGOs and engages in an illusion that they are contributing to permanent and comprehensive solutions.

They do nothing to the core problems of the Indian community at all they are just buying is the Indian vote. In the process they legitimise the deception of BN and Najib.

So, if you put all of that together what you get is a picture of outright deception of a politically vulnerable community. The Indian community believed some good will come out by supporting the BN in those last elections. They have been proved utterly wrong. Najib has shown all this is chicken feed for him.

When one considers the scale and scope of what was agreed between BN and Hindraf in the agreement - comprehensive and permanent solutions for the many socio-economic ailments of the Indian community was the core concept. But what has happened is peanut programmes with nothing more than further attempts to buy the Indian vote as the primary objective.

The Indian voters must become savvy to this point and understand that they will make their bitter point about the betrayal only by absolutely rejecting BN, Not one vote of the Indian community must go to the BN. BN has to be taught a lesson , so they will not attempt such deception on unsuspecting and vulnerable poor people. Betrayers must be dealt with no mercy.

Therefore the Hindraf People’s Movement calls out to all Indian voters in Sungei Besar and Kuala Kangsar to deny even one vote to BN. BN must be taught a lesson. To do otherwise will mean we lose out on even the little leverage the community possesses as an economic and numerical minority in the country.

RAMESH PERIASAMY is a member of the senate, Hindraf People’s Movement.

If Najib can deliver, why need MIC?

Why is the MIC still on the political scene? It has miserably failed Indians in the decades following independence and there is no guarantee that the party is in position to deliver goods for the Indian community.

By P Ramasamy

Najib Tun Razak, the Prime Minister of Malaysia, has learnt one thing while in office; that he cannot trust or depend on the MIC to deliver goods to the Malaysian Indians.

He might have been besieged by the controversy surrounding the 1MDB issue and the “unaccountable” money that went into his private accounts, but still he knows who can be trusted in the Barisan Nasional.

The MIC might be around for a long time, but the leadership of the party is in a complete disarray. It has lost its direction and the purpose of its existence.

The recent actions of Najib convey the idea that he does not trust the MIC leaders. This is the reason why, under him, funds meant for the Indian community are not given directly to the MIC or its leaders. Rather in the last few years or so, funds are allocated directly to the Indian NGOs through the Prime Minister’s department.

He knows very well that the MIC, given the intense infighting within, is unable to deliver goods to the Indian community. Whatever funds allocated to the Indian community via the MIC have not reached the target group – the poor and neglected Indians.

Yesterday, Najib, in his campaign speech in Kuala Kangsar, announced special allocations for the Indian community there.

He allocated: RM100,000 for the upgrading the upgrading of the wall of the SJKT Ghandi Memorial; granted 0.6 hectares of land for a playing field; RM750,000 to the local Indian Association for a new building; RM115,000 to repair the fences and pave the road to a crematorium; and urged the Perak state government to resolve the housing problem of 20 Indian families in Bukit Merchu.

Following this, he asked the Indian community to support the BN candidate for Kuala Kangsar in the coming by-elections.

If this is the attitude of senior Umno leaders towards the MIC, then what is the purpose of the MIC? The party has miserably failed Malaysian Indians in the decades following independence and there is no guarantee that the party is in a position to deliver goods for the Indian community.

Shouldn’t the MIC quit the political scene?

P Ramasamy is Deputy Chief Minister II of Penang.

Mouths stuffed with 'animal feed' cannot voice dissent: Dr M's diagnosis

Apart from one or two dissenting voices, Umno has been supportive of its president Najib Abdul Razak in the face of numerous allegations against him.

And Dr Mahathir Mohamad has diagnosed the problem.

According to him, Umno members are stuffed with "animal feed (dedak)" and this in turn made them silent.

"It is said that animal feed was stuffed into the mouths of party members to keep them silent.

"There are even party members who admitted to receiving as much as RM1 million and RM2 million to shut their mouths about the crime that is clearly happening.

"They will just agree to everything," Mahathir said in his latest blog post.

The term "dedak" is often used to refer to people who have received benefits from certain quarters and have therefore become compliant to them.

Mahathir said it is for the same reason that a vote of no-confidence against the prime minister cannot be put into motion.

"Normally, when a leader abuses power, the Federal Constitution gives MPs the right to a no-confidence vote in the House.

"But because of animal feed and various pressures, no Umno and BN MPs, apart two from Umno, would dare to support a no-confidence vote if it is tabled," he said.

Mahathir claimed that Umno division leaders were also silent after seeing other leaders being arrested and charged after questioning the prime minister.

Likewise, he said Umno branch leaders were also sacked for critcising Najib.

"Regardless of Najib's wrongdoings, regardless that billions in government funds had gone missing, regardless of Najib suddenly possessing billions in his personal bank accounts which the source cannot be explained, BN MPs and Umno division leaders remained silent," he said.

Mahahir also lamented the loss of freedom of speech under Najib's government, claiming that the people's right to speak was under siege.

"The print and electronic media is fully controlled by Najib and no longer report the truth.

"Information is twisted that they do no reflect the real facts. Attempts are made to block the alternative media," he said.

Mahathir had accused Najib of corruption over the deposits of billions in his personal bank accounts, claiming that it is linked to state-owned 1MDB.

However, the prime minister denied this, and stressed that he had never taken public funds for personal gain.

He said the money in his personal bank accounts was an Arab "donation".

Attorney-general Mohamed Apandi Ali has also cleared the prime minister of any wrongdoing.

‘Najib’s removal will have domino effect’

DAP national vice-chair M Kulasegaran, while canvassing signatures for the Citizens’ Declaration in Ipoh over the weekend, said it was incorrect to view the document as focused on the removal of Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak without emphasis on institutional reform.

Campaigning for signatories to the declaration in thoroughfares in the city, Kulasegaran said the drive to remove the PM for gross negligence in financial and political matters was not personality-focused but issue-driven.

“True, the document urges the removal of the PM but seeing it as a move to replace one bad leader with another from the same mould is oversimplification,” remarked the MP for Ipoh Barat.

“Najib’s removal will have a domino effect because those complicit in his misdeeds or in the cover-up will have to yield to popular pressure to go once the head honcho goes,” opined the lawyer-legislator.

Citing another instance which he said reflected an identical narrowness of outlook, Kulasegaran said PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang’s criticism of DAP as having interfered in Islamic matters by its opposition to hudud is “tunnel-visioned”.

“He doesn’t stop to consider that the measure he proposes has grave implications for the principles and postulates enshrined in the Federal Constitution,” he remarked.

“Our concern is with these implications. DAP legislators would remiss in their parliamentary duty if they did not take heed of them.

“For the top leader of a major political party to say that the DAP is interfering in Islam by opposing hudud is to mistake the forest for the trees,” asserted M Kula.

He said the DAP has to comment on Hadi’s Bill on hudud by way of pointing out what the thrust of the bill bodes for sacred tenets of civil society such as equality of citizens before the law, gender equality and avoidance of cruel and unjust punishments.

“That Hadi doesn’t seem to understand the implications of his bill for such principles and postulates of democratic and civil society is astonishing,” commented Kulasegaran.

Returning GST to people

PUTRAJAYA: Both the RM27bil collected from the Goods and Services Tax (GST) in 2015 as well
as the RM39bil expected this year will be given back to the people in the form of major projects and infrastructure construction, said the Prime Mini­ster.

“With the GST, we can afford to carry out the MRT, the Pan Borneo Highway project in Sabah and Sarawak as well as other development plans which the people will benefit from and enjoy.

“It is from this same revenue that the Government can afford to give the special increment to public officers this year,” said Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak.

Assuring the public that the Government was responsible and had the rakyat’s interest at heart, Najib said its good intentions were however being misconstrued and politicised.

“But if you look at things rationally, you know that (GST) is a strong and stable source of revenue and contributes towards economic resilience and the well-being of the people,” he said when presenting excellent service awards to 100 Finance Ministry staff members here yesterday.

Malaysia’s economy, added Najib, managed to register growth despite global uncertainty and weak external factors because the Government had made several right decisions that helped drive it further.

Later, at another function, Najib said the Government would continue to spend and invest more on children.

“We want them to be able to exercise good judgment, to choose well and to use this responsibly while rejecting what is harmful and not worthwhile,” he said when opening the three-day Permata International Conference 2016 themed “Children Beyond Tomorrow”.

Participants and speakers from 29 countries, including Gambia, Swaziland, Nigeria and Ghana, will examine the role of childhood in achieving sustainability in nation-building.

Najib should resign if Hadi's bill passed, urges MCA Youth leader

An MCA Youth leader has suggested that Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak should resign if PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang's Private Member's Bill is passed in Parliament.

MCA Youth legal bureau chief Ng Kian Nam has asked Najib to state his stand clearly: whether all Umno MPs support the PAS bill, despite strong protests from other BN component parties.

If that is the case, where there are BN MPs who have opposing views and even stand together with the enemy, Ng said, as this would definitely cause the break-up of BN.

This is because the coalition would have lost its basic premise of working together.

As the prime minister, Najib should not have an ambiguous attitude on this issue, Ng asserted.

"Instead, Najib should express his stand clearly. If he insists on aligning with PAS, this means he has betrayed other BN component parties, as well as the trust that voters gave to him in the general election, as the BN chief.

"If the situation has developed to the stage when some chiefs of BN component parties have threatened to resign from the cabinet to protect the secular system of the country, Najib should show his political courage and accountability to resign as PM, or consider dissolving Parliament to let the people decide."

In a statement today, Ng also criticised an unnamed "certain leader" who tried to make use of the hudud issue to divert public attention from the 1MDB and "personal deposit" scandals.

He urged other Umno leaders and grassroots members to hasten the power transition in the party before a constitutional crisis breaks out.

Ng added that MCA's call against the PAS hudud bill shouldn't be seen from racial angles or cause racial tension.

He also lamented that DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng had tried to aggravate the situation by asking MCA to quit BN.

Although Lim claimed DAP had cut ties with PAS, Ng maintained, the fact remained that DAP is still working with PAS in the Selangor government.

Dr M: I’m not concerned about Mukhriz’s future

Dr Mahathir Mohamad is often accused of masterminding a campaign against Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak to orchestrate his son Mukhriz’s political ascension.

However, the former premier denied this, claiming that he is acting in the interest of the nation.

“I am not concerned about Mukhriz’s future. I am more concerned about stopping Najib from destroying this country,” he said in his latest blog post.

Mahathir accused the prime minister's “henchmen” of repeating this allegation to divert attention from the alleged wrongdoings of their boss and no amount of explanation would stop them.

He also claimed that when Najib was unable to solicit unqualified support from Mukhriz, the prime minister “engineered” his removal as Kedah menteri besar.

“I could have easily helped Mukhriz by ignoring Najib’s wrongdoings and continuing to support him. But I did not do this...,” he added.

Mahathir also pointed out that he could have allowed his sons to contest for office in Umno or become election candidates when he was prime minister and party president.

“But Mukhriz could not even become a member of Umno because the Kubang Pasu division of which I was head, refused to accept him.

“It was after the Umno headquarters directed the division that he was admitted as a member, just before I retired,” he said.

Mahathir pointed out how his son stood for a parliament seat in 2008, and was appointed as a deputy minister following his victory.

“At that time, Kedah had a PAS government because Umno under Mahadzir Khalid lost the state in 2008.

“In the 2013 (general) election, Mukhriz chose to contest for a state seat.

“Kedah people believed if he would be appointed menteri besar, BN would defeat PAS and regain Kedah. Najib apparently agreed.

“BN won Kedah in the 2013 election. Mukhriz was appointed menteri besar,” he said.

However, ties began to strain and subsequently severed between Mahathir, his son and Najib when the 1MDB issue erupted.

“When the 1MDB scandal exploded I stopped supporting Najib. Mukhriz did not show full support for Najib.

“He was critical of Najib’s explanation about the RM$2.6 billion in Najib’s private accounts,” said the former premier.

The prime minister has denied abusing public funds for personal gain, and blamed such allegations on those conspiring to topple him from power.

Attorney-general Mohamed Apandi Ali has also cleared Najib of any wrongdoing.


Read more: https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/343260#ixzz49tRm2xay

Malaysia Corruption Allegations

As Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak was feted at a prestigious investment conference in the Commonwealth Secretariat in London, UK broadcaster Channel 4 ran a story questioning the merits of hosting a leader that has been linked to at least seven international investigations related to corruption.

Najib was the keynote speaker at the Malaysia-UK Investor Showcase Agenda jointly organised by the Malaysian Investment Development Authority and the Commonwealth Enterprise and Investment Council.

Channel 4's news segment, whose reporter was recently barred from covering Najib during the Sarawak election after he asked him a question about 1MDB, ran a report repeating the allegations of corruption against Najib and asking if it was appropriate that the Malaysian prime minister should be hosted at the Commonwealth building.

Malaysian PM (had $1bn in bank) speaks @commonwealthsec hq just days after anti-corruption conference. Awkward: https://t.co/xWMKF8hDqT

— Jonathan Rugman (@jrug) May 16, 2016

According to the news segment, the broadcaster was also not allowed into the investment conference despite repeated request to the organisers.

Early in May, a Channel 4 reporter and cameraperson were barred from covering Najib after the Sarawak polls when they tried to ask Najib about the millions in his personal accounts.

But UK officials who spoke to the Channel 4 journalist seemed unfazed by the allegations against Najib, saying that legitimate business with Malaysia was something that must be kept going.

They pointed out that the corruption probes into 1MDB and the monies in the prime minister's personal accounts have not been shown to be linked to an offence.

Channel 4's attempts to ask Najib further questions also failed as the prime minister kept mum when the broadcaster met him outside his hotel.

In any case, the report noted that Malaysia is the second largest investor in London’s commercial property market after the United States, with the redevelopment of the Battersea power plant being the crowning jewel with over US$11 billion in total costs.

The irony here, said the Channel 4 journalist in the news segment, was that Najib was being hosted in the same building that just a week ago was the site of an anti-corruption conference.

Najib has denied all allegations of wrongdoing in the issues related to the debt-ridden 1MDB and the millions that went to his personal accounts. He was also cleared of wrongdoings by Attorney-General Mohamed Apandi Ali.

There have also been accusations that some foreign media are part of the conspiracy supposedly started by certain parties to allegedly smear Najib and topple him from power.

Dr M: Citizens' Declaration has more than one million signatures

More than one million signatures have been collected for the Citizens’ Declaration, former prime minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad revealed today.

"It is now two months (since the Citizen's Declaration was first announced).

"Within the two months, we have collected more than one million (signatures)," Mahathir told a press conference in Putrajaya this afternoon.

The total number of signatures collected so far is 1.27 million.

Out of that number, 1.07 million signatures were gathered online while another 200,000 were collected through forms distributed so far.

The declaration seeks the removal of Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak from office.

Also, another 50,000 signatures have been collected at an alternative site, Change.org.

Mahathir added that the 200,000 physical copies of the signed declaration make up an early count, as there are still more copies scattered all over the country and the process of collecting them is still going on.

"We don't accept just anything. We check every name, signature and identification card number.

"(There are) some forms online, where they did not fill in properly. We suspect they are not genuine.

"We have rejected 253,000 of these forms, which we think are not genuine.

"When I mentioned just now that we have 1.27 million signatures, they are those that have been checked and they are here," the country’s longest-serving prime minister said, referring to the stacks of papers on the table.

He explained that this was to prevent anyone casting doubts on the Citizens’ Declaration campaign and added that anybody could check whatever the team has gathered.

To personally deliver signatures to Agong

Mahathir said he would personally deliver the 1.27 million signatures to the Yang Di-Pertuan Agong.

Though he has yet to seek an audience with the Agong, he said he would do so as soon as possible.

There are also plans to seek an audience with the Conference of Rulers.

The original goal was to gather one million signatures by the end of the year and though the goal has been achieved, Mahathir said the collection of signatures for the petition will continue.

Asked what their next step would be, should they fail in their aim with the Citizens’ Declaration petition, the nonagenarian coyly said they have plans that they could not reveal just yet.

Mahathir, along with former deputy prime minister Muhyiddin Yassin, opposition and NGO figures inked the declaration on March 4.

The declaration calls for the removal of Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak from office and for the institution of reforms in the country.

Dr M's lawyers seek to quiz Najib on affidavit

Lawyers for Dr Mahathir Mohamad filed an application today for leave to question Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak on alleged conflicting facts in Najib's affidavit.

At the same time, the lawyers sought a stay of Najib's application to strike out the RM2.64 billion suit filed by Mahathir, along with former Langkawi Umno member Anina Saadudin and former Batu Kawan Umno division vice-chief Khairuddin Abu Hassan, which is related to the 1MDB issue.

The application was filed at noon with the High Court registrar in Kuala Lumpur.

The grounds for today's application come as a result of Najib on April 19 filing an application to strike out the suit.

Among others, the lawyers alleged that Najib's affidavit contained conflicting and inconsistent statements.

The statements in dispute included:

• In the seventh and eighth paragraphs of the affidavit, Najib said he is filing the application to strike out in his capacity as prime minister, finance minister, chairperson of BN and Umno president and not as a civil servant or government officer.

However, the lawyers pointed out that in paragraph 25, Najib admitted he is a civil servant and pleaded that the tort of misfeasance in public office and breach of fiduciary duty was just an effort to remove him from public office.

In paragraph 24 of Najib's affidavit, he denied the allegations in the statement of claim that he had a role in dismissing Muhyiddin Yassin and Shafie Apdal from being membera of the cabinet and the fact that four of the Public Accounts Committee members have been appointed as minister and deputy minister in the cabinet reshuffle last July.

In the interest of justice and due process of the law, the three plaintiffs sought leave for Najib to be called to directly answer and be cross-examined over the unclear, non-precise and conflicting statements based on contemporary facts.

'Acted in bad faith'

Mahathir, Khairuddin and Anina had filed the RM2.64 billion suit in March claiming that Najib had allegedly breached his fiduciary duty and committed malfeasance in public office to derail ongoing investigations against the sitting prime minister.

All three of them are part of the Citizens' Declaration movement to remove Najib as prime minister.

In their statement of claim, the plaintiffs said that due to Najib's position as the “numero uno” of Malaysia, he controls, commands and instructs or insists on omissions within the powers of each and every government machinery.

This includes, among others, ministries, ministers, parliamentary office (including the Public Accounts Committee) and legal enforcement agencies such as the Attorney-General’s Chambers, the police, the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) and the Malaysian Communications and Multimedia Commission (MCMC).

They further claimed that Najib had acted in bad faith to undermine, or cause to compromise various respective institutions involved in the probe of 1MDB scandals related to the remittance of RM2.6 billion and RM42 million or any other amount into the prime minister's personal bank accounts.

The three of them also filed a mareva injunction application to stop Najib from moving his assets and an application of discovery of the sitting prime minister's assets.

A new judge has been slated to hear the case and May 26 is fixed for the hearing of Najib's application for a stay of all proceedings, including hjis application not to file the defence and defence's striking-out application.