He has told government officials that he would like to tackle racial and religious polarisation, which has become more acute during his five-year term as the prime minister.
It is unclear if he is seeking an official position in any government body such as IKIM or any non-governmental organisation.
But several government officials told the Malaysian Insider that Abdullah is concerned that the increasingly strident rhetoric is driving the different races further apart – a situation which could end three decades of the country’s biggest selling point, political stability.
Abdullah is scheduled to speak about his concerns of a more divided Malaysia when he addresses the Umno general assembly this month.
News that he would like to play a role in bridging racial and religious differences in the country is likely to be met with some cynicism and apprehension, even from his own political party, Umno.
The more conservative spine of the party blames the opening up of public discourse and democratic space since he became prime minister in October 2003 for the robust debate on the New Economic Policy and other issues long considered out of bounds.
Abdullah’s supporters in the party also argue that, while the PM was all for more debate, he did not define clearly the perimeters of a more open society or manage the expectations of different groups.
The result: a free-for-all. Newspapers, religious groups and politicians have been willing to take hard line positions on race, religion and on the Federal Constitution.
Even in Parliament, the rhetoric has been divisive and the behavior abhorrent.
Increasingly, the middle ground is being deserted in Malaysia.
Abdullah is in a unique position as he leaves office.
He came into office wearing the mantle of the leader of all Malaysians. But indecision, weak leadership and his inability to resolve several religious disputes including the demolition of temples, the rights of non-Muslim converts to Islam, etc, has severely compromised his legacy as the PM of all Malaysians.
A comprehensive survey commissioned by Barisan Nasional (BN) last year showed that only 5.7 percent of Malays felt that he qualified as the leader of all Malaysians. Among the Chinese it was only 2.3 per cent, while it was 6.7 per cent of Indians and 6.7 per cent of non-Muslim bumiputeras.
Anecdotal evidence suggests that many of the non-Muslim religious groups voted for Pakatan Rakyat on March 8 2008, largely due to their disgust at the arrogance of Umno politicians and disappointment with the shrinking space of religious freedom in Malaysia.
They blamed Abdullah for not keeping his promise to be fair to all races, believing that he was unwilling to stand up to chauvinists in Umno.
Officials of the Malaysian Consultative Council of Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Sikhism and Taoism noted that they had difficulty obtaining an appointment with Abdullah after the controversy over the burial dispute of Everest hero, M. Moorthy.
Given this backdrop, even the non-Malays/Muslims may have some doubts about whether Abdullah will be able to play an effective role in reversing the trend in racial and religious polarisation.
But the reality is that someone needs to step up and play the role of the statesman before things get even worse here.
When the respondents in the BN survey last year were asked to name two of Abdullah’s strongest traits, they pinpointed his religious background and moderate nature.
He will have to showcase both in spades if he wants to become Malaysia’s own ambassador of peace and harmony.
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