Sybil Kathigasu and Chin Peng: Imperialism and Umnoputra

A week prior to the death of Chin Peng on 16 September 2013 in Bangkok, I finished reading No Dram of Mercy, a book by Malayan World War II civilian heroine Sybil Kathigasu.

I felt something important was missing from the book and the articles I read about the Kathigasus'. Chin Peng’s death helped me see more clearly.

Perhaps I can rest now.

In this (long) essay, I have selected some content from No Dram of Mercy, which was completed in or before 1949, but released only in 1954.

Most who have written about the Kathigasus' emphasize the medical side of the story – their clinics in No. 141 Brewster Road, Ipoh and in No. 74 Main Street, Papan; their ‘chance’ evacuation to Papan; the causes and descriptions of Sybil’s injuries.

Since the clinics, evacuation and injuries are well covered by others, I have omitted discussion of them.

The content I have selected is mainly designed to serve my goal which is to suggest reasons why publication of No Dram of Mercy was delayed.

I propose that the same reasons account for Umno’s refusal to recognize Chin Peng, the well-recognized leader of the long defunct Communist Party of Malaya, and Umno’s belligerent prevention of the return of Chin Peng’s ashes to his homeland, Malaysia.

First, some similarities between Sybil Kathigasu and Chin Peng.

Similarities between Sybil and Chin Peng

Sybil is the only Malaysian woman ever to be awarded the George Medal, Britain’s highest civilian award for bravery. Chin Peng was the recipient of two British military medals for his role during World War II, and later the civilian OBE (Order of the British Empire) award.

Both Sybil and Chin Peng were heavily engaged in resisting the Japanese.

Both Sybil and Chin Peng were denied access to the public at key moments of their lives.

An overview of the Kathigasu’s

Many say No Dram of Mercy is an autobiography.

I think it is more helpful to describe it as a personal account of 3 years of Japanese occupation of Malaya, narrated by a woman who expended her life on behalf of others. I say this because I had to look beyond the book for personal information about the Kathigasu family.

On 01 August 1942, Nurse Sybil Kathigasu, 43 – commonly known as Mrs K or Missy – was arrested in Perak by the Japanese occupiers. Her husband, Dr. Cecil Kathigasu, 49, had been arrested 3 days earlier, on 29 July. They remained incarcerated until about the end of August 1945.

Over the 3 years of their separation and captivity, the Japanese imperialists treated them brutally.

They were detained in filthy and disease ridden places. They were subjected to humiliation, isolation, cold, insects and starvation. They were physically tortured by beatings, slapping, exposure to the sun, burnings, etc.

No Dram of Mercy describes what the Japanese did in Malaya and how the Kathigasu family and other Malayans endured and responded.

About her birth and ancestry, Sybil only records that she was born in Medan and that she was a Eurasian Catholic fluent in Cantonese. She tells us that her mother, 73 years old in 1941, lived with her – and died while Sybil was serving out her prison sentence.

According to Wikipedia, Sybil's father was Irish-Eurasian, while her mother was French-Eurasian.

We know from other sources that Cecil was a Sri Lankan Tamil who converted from Hinduism to Catholicism in order to marry Sybil.

Ho Tak Ming, in Doctors Extraordinaire (Ipoh: Perak Academy, 2006. 2nd edition) says Cecil graduated in Medicine in 1913 from Singapore Medical school, was a Sergeant in the Malayan Volunteer Infantry during World War I, was a stellar sportsman, and met Sybil while he was working in the General Hospital, Kuala Lumpur and she was training there to be a nurse and midwife. Dr Ho says Sybil and Cecil married in 1919. (Dr Ho also says Sybil’s mother was an Indian.)

The reason Sybil wrote No Dram of Mercy

A prayer Sybil records in the book tells us why she wrote No Dram of Mercy, a title derived from a few lines in Shakespeare’s The Merchant of Venice:

“Great Saint Anthony, please intercede for me with the Infant Jesus to give me the strength and courage to bear bravely what God’s Holy Will has ordained for me. Let me face death, if I must, in the spirit of the Holy Martyrs. But if I am spared to write a book about what I have undergone, I promise that the proceeds from the sale of the book shall go to building a church in your name, in Ipoh, and, if there is any over when the church is completed, to the relief of the poor and suffering, whatever their race or religion. Please help me, Saint Anthony.” (Kathigasu, Sybil. No Dram of Mercy. Kuala Lumpur: Prometheus, 2006; page 162)

At the time Sybil uttered the prayer, she was being held in Batu Gajah prison, awaiting trial against the three charges proffered against her:

“first . . . acting as a spy on behalf of and in co-operation with the enemy agents in Malaya. Second, of giving medical attention and other assistance to the Communist guerrillas and outlaws. Third, of possessing a radio set, listening to enemy broadcasts and disseminating enemy propaganda. Each of these charges carries a death sentence.’ (page 155)

A few weeks after uttering the prayer (perhaps more accurately making the promise), Sybil was tried in an office in the prison. She refused to accept legal representation, she pleaded guilty to the charges, and was sentenced to life. She began serving her sentence in the same prison, and remained there till the Japanese surrendered.

Prior to the Batu Gajah prison, Sybil – and Cecil – had been detained (separately) in a police lock-up in Ipoh, and in a Kempetei interrogation centre on the outskirts of Ipoh.

Of these ‘institutions,’ the Kempetei centre was the worst – detainees even had to kneel down like dogs to enter the cell, and were ‘treated’ to horrendous tortures. In the Kempetei centre, men and women were made to share the same cells.

The Kathigasu’s children William (25 years old in 1943) and Dawn (7 years) were also briefly held and tortured at the Kempetei centre.

Other contributors to No Dram of Mercy

No Dram of Mercy was published in 1954 in Britain, about 5 years after Sybil died, with a foreword by Richard Winstedt and an Introduction by Geoffrey E Cator.

Winstedt was a Senior Civil Servant, Malay scholar and historian.

Cator too was a Senior Civil Servant. He was British Resident of Labuan, then Selangor, then Perak, after which he was head of the Malay States Information Agency in London.

Later I will explain why Winstedt and Cator’s contributions to the book may help explain the 5 year interval between Sybil’s death and the publication of her book.

Four key attractions of No Dram of Mercy

No Dram of Mercy illuminates, inspires, is readable and is relevant.

No Dram of Mercy illuminates because it recounts the way the Japanese retained junior public servants (such as the police) in office, and how the Chinese were specially the targets of the Japanese. For example,

“One day a Malay police constable, Ahmad, was brought in with a fractured skull – the result of persisting in his duty. He had come across a party of Chinese openly running a gambling den in the market, and, attempting to arrest the ringleaders, had been struck from behind with an iron bar. We kept him with us, and he required several weeks of care and treatment before we could be sure that he would live. Ahmad never forgot what we did for him, and for his wife and two young children who depended on him; later on he was to find a practical way of demonstrating his gratitude.” (page 25)

And

“. . . most dreaded of all the anti-Communist measures were the identification parades or “Sook Chings.” Without warning, the entire Chinese population of a certain area would be ordered out of doors, and herded together in some convenient open space. There were no exceptions – men and women, old people and babes in arms, healthy and sick were rounded up like cattle. With luck, the parade might be over in a few hours, but equally it might be prolonged over two or three days, in which case the plight of the unfortunate victims was miserable indeed. Scorched by the sun, soaked by the rain, and chilled by the night wind in turn, subjected to the brutalities of the Japanese guards, forbidden sometimes to stir from a single spot for days on end, many of the weaker died of the treatment they received. But worst was the fear and uncertainty. Many were carried off by the Japanese with no reason given: sometimes the victims were sturdy young men – taken, it was rumoured, for work in labour gangs – who were never seen again, but anyone regardless of age or sex might be seized on suspicion of Communist sympathies or activities, to return, if they were lucky enough to return at all, with the marks of torture on their bodies.” (page 35)

No Dram of Mercy inspires because it shows us that if we are true humanitarians, we can help our needy neighbours even if we do not agree with their goals (Sybil herself was an ardent supporter of the British imperialists):

The Malayan People’s Anti-Japanese Army, as it was called, was dominated by the Communists, and the intention of the leaders was undoubtedly to set up a Communist State in Malaya. At this time, however, they were wise enough to keep their long-range plans to themselves. They were willing to co-operate whole-heartedly with all anti-Japanese elements in the country, regardless of political differences. They never tried to preach Communism outside their own ranks, and we never thought of them as Communists at all, but simply as allies of Britain and America in the fight against the Axis. (page 75)

No Dram of Mercy is written in the first person, in simple English. It's broken into 20 short chapters with an average length of 9 pages. It's illustrated with evocative photos of people and places. It’s a good book for school discussions and even school dramas.

No Dram of Mercy is relevant because it comes across as honest story telling by a “race-less” (Eurasian) lady who expended her life on behalf of people of different ethnicities in multi-racial Malaya.

The contrast between Sybil’s portrayal of the Chinese as patriots and reports of Shuhaimi Baba’s portrayal of the Chinese in her movie, Tanda Putera, is striking.

Sybil’s special treatment by the British

Sybil writes that on the day she arrived home – in a car arranged for her by the Malayan People’s Anti-Japanese Army (“well clothed, armed and equipped by British”) – two British Officers of Force 136 were waiting for her. She notes:

“The British officers, who had responsibility for military intelligence, took down in outline the story of my experiences, and then asked me if there was any way in which they could help me.” (Page 180)

She had two requests. The first was that her husband and son should be released from Taiping Gaol. The second was a request for “the best medical attention available” so that she would be able to walk again, with a promise that she would pay for whatever it cost. On the last page of her narrative, Sybil reports the response of the officers:

“You shall have the best treatment, and it will be entirely at Government expense. We are authorised to tell you that the British military authorities will have your injuries treated exactly as if you had been wounded in battle.’ (Page 180)

Sybil tells us elsewhere in the book that the conditions of her incarceration were such that she could not keep any written records. We therefore know that her recall of events must have been hazy; there are very few dates in the book.

What then should we make of the words “we are authorised to tell you”?

Recall that the book’s foreword and introduction were written by men who had served as very senior members of the British colonial government. It seems likely that the officers were indeed authorised to tell her she would be treated as a military casualty.

It seems likely that the Sybil Kathigasu was a rarity because (1) she was well known in Ipoh, (2) she remained alive despite having been found guilty by a Japanese military court, (3) she had sustained injuries which were treatable, but not in Malaya, (4) she was highly commended by the Malayan People’s Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA), led by the Communist Party of Malaya (CPM), then allies of the British.

The enigma behind No Dram of Mercy

No Dram of Mercy is somewhat enigmatic.

No Dram of Mercy is enigmatic because it’s not clear how the manuscript took shape. It doesn’t have an author’s preface, so we don’t know who reviewed her manuscript, who worked with her on it, and who endured neglect while she was writing. It doesn’t have a foreword by her husband or daughters, whom we know outlived Sybil. It doesn’t have commendations by Malayan leaders of the day, e.g. Tunku, H S Lee, Tan Cheng Lok, V T Sambanthan.

No Dram of Mercy is enigmatic because it doesn’t reveal why she was treated so kindly by the British. Was it because her father was Irish and her brother a soldier who died on the battlefield in Turkey (Gallipoli)? Was it because her recovery and subsequent testimony would help to demonize the Japanese? Was it because her story would inspire others to relieve “the poor and suffering, whatever their race or religion”?

Perhaps the Brits did what the Communists requested

I speculate that in August 1945 the British had agreed to requests by the MPAJA – the mainly communist Malayan resistance to the Japanese – to provide maximum help to Sybil.

The role played by Sybil, her husband and household was critical to the survival of the (mainly communist) resistance fighters and thus the defeat of the Japanese.

At great risk to themselves, the Kathigasu’s treated sick and injured resistance fighters.

Their clinic in Papan, a town so close to the hilly jungle where the terrorists hid out, was a natural place for people to meet and pass messages.

They listened to BBC broadcasts (often by Winstedt, see page 125) and disseminated news about the progress of the war.

And, during their interrogation and trial, they didn’t reveal anything which could expose and weaken the resistance.

It’s no wonder that the communists called Sybil “mother” (see page 80).

And there lies the propaganda problem.

The value of No Dram of Mercy as propaganda

Recall that the foreword to No Dram of Mercy was written by Geoffrey E Cator, head of the Propaganda Department in London (“Malay States Information Agency”).

The British, through Force 136, had collaborated with the communist-led resistance fighters to overthrow the Japanese; their liaison was with Chin Peng, who was then already one of the top 3 leaders of the Communist Party of Malaya (CPM).

Though they opposed imperialists, the CPM collaborated with the British imperialists to defeat the Japanese imperialists.

I suppose the British imperialists thought that after the war they could buy over the communists, just as they succeeded in buying over Umno and it’s predecessors!

The British were to be disappointed. After the war, when the British resumed their exploitation of Malaya, the CPM resumed their goal to rid Malaya of the imperialists!

I speculate that while Sybil was being treated in Britain and her story was being prepared as a propaganda expose of Japanese brutality (the Brits were themselves often accused of brutality), the friendship between the “terrorists” and the British came to an end: the erstwhile friends became enemies.

Unfortunately for the British, No Dram of Mercy – which would have been great propaganda against the Japanese – was also an open acknowledgement of the massive role played by the Communist insurgents in resisting the Japanese.

The Chinese, according to Sybil

No Dram of Mercy, written by a person of known integrity, powerfully laid out how the Japanese targeted the Malayan Chinese community and how this drove the Chinese into the jungles to collaborate with the Communists against the Japanese.

The Malaysian historian Cheah Boon Kheng, describes the targeting of the Chinese and their response in his preface to the Prometheus edition of No Dram of Mercy:

“The Chinese community was the first to suffer the brunt of the Japanese Army’s draconian measures. In retaliation for anti-Japanese activities conducted by various Chinese organisations in Malaya following Japan’s invasion of China in 1937, the Japanese 25th Army under General Yamashita carried out a series of massacres of Chinese in Singapore and Peninsular Malaysia known as the sook ching or ‘Operation Clean-up’. According to Chinese estimates compiled at the end of the war, some 60,000 Chinese were killed in this way, while Japanese estimates put the figure mildly at a mere 6,000 victims. This single act of the Japanese administration not only frightened the Chinese away from the Japanese, but made them easy recruits to the communist-dominated resistance movement.” (page 2)

Professor Cheah also reminds us that the Malayan emergency was from 1948 to 1960.

The “Malayan emergency” was actually a civil war which came about because the Communists, under the leadership of Chin Peng, began resisting the British occupation just as they had resisted the Japanese occupation. (The Brits didn’t call it a civil war because if they had done so, British planters and other businesses in Malaya would have lost insurance protection and access to loans.)

So, in 1948, the mainly Chinese resistance fighters who collaborated with the Brits during the war against the Japanese in Malaya, the resistance fighters who called Sybil ‘mother’ (page 80) because she treated them, the resistance fighters for whom she suffered so severely, were declared enemies of the Brits.

I believe that explains why No Dram of Mercy was not published before Sybil died in 1949.

Sybil, Chin Peng and Umnoputra

In 1948, it was politically unthinkable to acknowledge the suffering and the contributions of the Chinese who were soon to be displaced from their homes and corralled in New Villages by the Briggs plan.

Today it is politically unthinkable for the Malay-rights obsessed Umno-led government to acknowledge the contribution of Chin Peng to the independence of Malaya. In 2003 Chin Peng was denied permission to return to Malaysia to launch his memoirs. This month, Umnoputra have proclaimed that even his ashes may not be returned for interment in the land whose freedom he fought for.

Both the delayed release of No Dram of Mercy and the barriers erected against Chin Peng are signs of imperial rule.

The imperialists then were Japanese and British. Today the imperialists are Umnoputra, with the Malaysian Chinese Association and other members of Barisan Nasional as collaborators. No race-based party can subscribe to these 3 key words in Sybil's prayer: "whatever their race."

Click here to read Chin Peng, an intriguing enigma to the end, an excellent article by Professor Cheah Boon Kheng.

Chin Peng obituary

Chin Peng, centre, at the Baling peace talks in Malaya, 1956, which came to nothing. Photograph: Bettmann/Corbis

 

Communist guerrilla leader who fought the British and the forces of the newly independent Malaya

The ethnically Chinese, Malayan political activist and guerrilla leader Chin Peng, who has died aged 89, fought both with the British and against them. For his exploits during the second world war he was appointed OBE, and after it he led the abortive communist campaign to take over Malaya.

Chin was the last of the major guerrilla commanders who fought colonialism in Asia after 1945, a group including Sukarno in the Dutch East Indies (now Indonesia), Ho Chi Minh in Vietnam, Norodom Sihanouk in Cambodia and Aung San in Burma.

When Malaya gained independence from Britain in 1957, and six years later merged into today's Malaysia, Chin continued his struggle for communist control of the new state from exile until a peace agreement was signed in 1989. At this point the Malaysian government flatly refused to allow him to return, a ban which has been extended to his remains.

Chin Peng (his nom de guerre) is said to have been born in 1924 in the Malayan state of Perak. His birth name was Ong Boon Hua and his father was an immigrant from China who set up a bicycle business. He took to politics at the age of 13, joining a new ethnic-Chinese society set up to send aid to China in its fight against Japanese aggression. His first role was to lead anti-Japanese activity at his school. At 16 he became a communist.

In 1939 he transferred from his Chinese-language school to an British Methodist one, but left after six months to escape British domination and become a full-time revolutionary. To evade local British authorities he moved to Kuala Lumpur, the Malayan capital, in July 1940. When he attained full membership of the Communist party a year later, he was already serving on a number of party committees in Perak as well as party labour organisations.

The Japanese invaded Malaya in December 1941, when he was the junior member of the triumvirate running the Perak state committee. His two senior colleagues were arrested by the Japanese early in 1943, leaving Chin in charge. He went back to Kuala Lumpur in a bid to contact the CP central committee, which appointed a new state secretary for Perak in his place – but the new man was arrested as well, leaving Chin in charge at the age of 19.

It was down to him to make contact with a British commando unit operating in Perak in September 1943. Japan was now the enemy and Chin adopted the view that my enemy's enemy is my friend; but the easy defeat of the British in Malaya, culminating in their worst-ever surrender in Singapore in February 1942, had convinced him that they could be driven out in their turn.

For his dangerous work for British forces he was not only appointed OBE (later rescinded), but received two mentions in dispatches. When Lai Tek, secretary general of the Malayan CP, was unmasked as a double agent for the Japanese and the British, Chin was elected to replace him: he was the senior survivor of the party leadership after Lai had betrayed it to the Japanese. He was now 20.

After the Japanese defeat in August 1945, the British colonial administration returned and Chin began plotting against it. A state of emergency was declared in June 1948 after the murders of three European planters, allegedly by Malayan CP members. Chin denied foreknowledge but the party was banned, and thousands of British servicemen fought his guerrillas in the jungle. Uniquely, the harsh British counter-insurgency campaign prevailed and by 1960 Chin withdrew, first to Thailand and at the end of the year to Beijing. The subsequent "confrontation" by Indonesia against the new state and local British forces also failed and was abandoned in 1966.

Urged on by the communist Chinese under Mao Zedong, Chin kept up the campaign against independent Malaya and then Malaysia, in which many thousands died. In 1970 and after, the guerrilla bases in Thailand succumbed to murderous factionalism and paranoia, with a succession of spy trials and executions over which the distant Chin in Beijing could not achieve control.

The 1989 a peace agreement included a provision for Chin and his comrades to return to his native country, which was never honoured. He went into exile in southern Thailand, travelling to Singapore to lecture at the university. His application in 2000 to return was rejected by the Malaysian high court after five years; his appeal failed in 2008, on the grounds that he was unable to prove his citizenship through documents long lost.

Chin died in a Bangkok hospital on the 50th anniversary of the creation of Malaysia. His wife Khoon Wah predeceased him; they had two sons.

• Chin Peng (Ong Boon Hua), political activist and guerrilla leader, born 21 October 1924; died 16 September 2013

Thank you, now move on

Hafiz Noor Shams
The Malay Mail Online

SEPT 23 — A good dozen issues is holding Malaysia back. Several big ones are legacies originating from days long gone.

While we can never truly escape history, I feel it is dragging us down too much. So heavy is the baggage that sometimes, I feel the best way to move forward is to forget.

I write this because Chin Peng died on Malaysia Day. He fought for a very different version of Malaysia, possibly the very opposite of what we have today.

That makes the date of his death quite ironic, although it is arguable that his struggle hastened the independence of Malaya and later the formation of Malaysia.

We can never truly know how it would have been if he had his way. But, if offered the choice between a Communist state and today’s Malaysia, I will choose today’s reality—even with its lamentable imperfections—without hesitation.

That does not mean the imperfections afflicting Malaysia today are acceptable. We can live in a society that is better than what we have today. That has to be true because otherwise we must have given up on this country.

One imperfection comes from the very era Chin Peng and his generation represent. The fight against the Communist rebellion took a toll on our way of life.

We sacrificed our liberty for security then. Unfortunately years after the conflict ended, we continue to make the same sacrifices when none is needed. Instruments useful for the fight against the Communists have been abused to suppress other Malaysians.

There has been progress, like the abolition of the Internal Security Act, but the opening is happening too slowly for my liking. The promise of more liberalization remains unfulfilled, no thanks to pressure from those still unable or refuse to move on.

I hope the death of Chin Peng – and slowly, his generation regardless the sides they are on – brightens the prospect of us forgetting old fears that are increasingly irrelevant to this age. I use the word irrelevant not to deny old wounds. The wounds are real and I respect that.

I write so because when you look all around you, you will not expect a Communist to shoot you. Communism itself does not deserve the attention it receives in Malaysia today.

All the silly political ding-dong on the matter like arguing about the ashes of Chin Peng, gives Communism too much undeserved attention. In fact, the government’s stubborn refusal to let Chin Peng be buried in Malaysia gives Communism too much sympathy.

As that generation slowly fades, my hope is that we can finally take a step forward and leave all the old baggage behind. I hope that the memories of past terrors and the rationale for illiberal laws that we have now will go away with that generation too bitter to move on. I believe only when they are gone will we have a freer hand to write our future.

The era of Communist insurrection is not the only legacy issue bedeviling our modern Malaysia. There is a whole set too long for a comprehensive mention. Some people are blaming the British for Malaysian woes half a century later. What is certain is that these issues are in our collective mind, no thanks to that generation which keeps reminding us of their bitterness and insecurity.

The world changes but they do not. It would be okay if they had kept their old worldviews to themselves as they enjoy their retirement. The problem is that leaders of that generation are still pulling strings.

They are Malaysians too and they deserve a place under the sun but sometimes, they influence too strongly, as Lee Kuan Yew has done in Singapore years after his retirement.

This makes efforts by current leaders, whichever side they are on, to move on more difficult than it should. Former Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi knows what it feels like when Prime Minister Najib Razak comes under unrelenting pressure as the Umno election nears.

But Chin Peng reminds us all that we are mortals. It is just a matter of when.

That generation will be missed. But we need to move on.

Mukhriz VP Candidacy, Rejuvenation For Umno

By Haslinda Zainal

KUALA LUMPUR (Bernama) -- Kedah Menteri Besar Datuk Mukhriz Tun Dr Mahathir's announcement to contest for an Umno vice-presidency post at the election in October is viewed as a move to rejuvenate the party.

Political analyst Assoc Prof Dr Mohd Fuad Mat Jali said Mukhriz aimed to provide a balance in the third level of leadership between leaders with experience and younger individuals with fresh ideas.

"When there's competition the process is more open. The delegates will also have more choices between young and middle aged candidates," he told Bernama here on Friday.

A Geopolitics lecturer with Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia's Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Mohd Fuad, said Mukhriz will have to work hard as he is considered a new face compared to the current vice-presidents who have vast experience and long-term service.

"His chances are 50-50. The delegates will look into his track record in his capacity as former International Trade and Industry deputy minister for one term and Kedah Menteri Besar so far," he said.

He said it was important for delegates to be rational in their choice and evaluate the expertise, contribution and ability of the candidates to work with the party's highest leadership in order to forge Umno forward.

"It all boils down to their performance and ability to serve, this is what the candidates should be looking at" he said.

Meanwhile, former lecturer at Universiti Malaya's Malay Studies Academy, Assoc Prof Datuk Zainal Abidin Borhan said Mukhriz had to prove his capability and expertise in relation to whether the party could remain relevant.

"We want to see if Mukhriz is the one who can elevate Umno, if his entry can give the party a youthful boost and still work with the experienced leaders," he said.

He said those aiming to contest at the Umno election next month had the massive task of achieving the party's struggles and in particular to prepare for the 14th General Election.

With the announcement by Mukhriz, there are now six contestants for the three vice-presidency posts including Felda chairman Tan Sri Isa Samad and former Melaka Chief Minister Datuk Seri Ali Rustam.

Home Minister Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, Defence Minister Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Tun Hussein and Rural and Regional Development Minister Datuk Seri Mohd Shafie Apdal have announced that they would be defending their posts.

-- BERNAMA

Hindraf AGAIN calls upon the Government to announce a moratorium on action against displaced Estate Workers

I make this call again to the Prime Minister to place a moratorium on actions against Displaced Estate Workers till a just and win-win solution can be worked out.

Yesterday Madam Kalyani,60, one of the displaced estate workers involved in the standoff between Sime Darby Development and 25 families passed away due to the stress and trauma caused by that standoff.

Sime Darby development, the owner and development arm of the former employer and a Government linked company attempted the demolition and eviction from her home of several decades. The standoff lasted several hours between the 25 families and the Sime Darby Development.The planned demolition was to clear the houses of the 25 families of the former estate workers and the temple in their community for property development that would yield hundreds of millions of ringgist in revenue and profits for Sime Darby.

Forcing eviction, forced removal by demolitions are not the substance of good governance. Governance is for all the people – not just the propertied ones. Everywhere, these actions are taken on behalf of the propertied against the most vulnerable. Development, progress and peace should be for all and balanced not just for the propertied with collusion from the various arms of the Government.

Here are some salient points about this episode. These evictions have heavy human costs – in some cases causing even deaths, as in Madam Kalyani’s casehere or in Mr Murugan’s case in Kampung Buah Pala. This is a nationwide phenomenon. You hear them sporadically, but they have occurred and continue to occur all over the country and have been going on for well over 40 years. And it largely relates to former Indian plantation workers. This is no coincidence. This is the result of the totally unbalanced development policies of the Government over this period. Unknowing and ignorant politicians and vested interests ask, why is the problem always with these Indians. When the Indian plantation worker loses his job, he does not only lose his job, he loses everything – he loses his home, his temple, his school, his neighbours, his social system - his life is torn asunder. And as they are thrown out in many cases they are fed a pittance and cleared.

It is with a keen understanding of these problems and with an attitude of enough is enough that Hindraf came out with the Blueprint which is a set of comprehensive and permanent solutions to these endemic problems and took the bold decision to participate in Government to create the necessary understanding, empathy and political will to solve this problem. It is obvious after 3 months into the decision that it will take a while more before these plans in the Blueprint are operationalized.

In the meantime we just cannot continue with these mindless and symptom focussed, unsustainable and costly actions. The human costs of these problems to the nation manifest in many ways – deaths like Madam Kalyani and Mr Murugan and in the wanton police shootings, the increasing anger among the affected estate worker community in specific and in the populace in general, intensifying hatred of authority, increasing polarization of the different ethnic groups because of the ethnic dimensions of the problems are some of these human costs.

Our calls to stop these actions will go on in the public domain as well as within those closed doors of Government with increasing pitch till the causes for these problems are effectively addressed and the problem resolved in a permanent and comprehensive manner.

N Ganesan

Hindraf National Advisor

Rakan Chin Peng masih rasa dikhianati

Don't weaken the Malay race further

The Malays are a pretty decent race, very pleasant and friendly and in many ways a hard-working race, too.

They have been living in peninsula Malaya for many decades. It is because the land is fertile and the rivers are blessed with abundant fish and prawns, they, therefore, do not have to toil very hard to have a fairly comfortable life.

The powers-that-be have been introducing all sorts of policies to more or less spoon-feed them. The NEP is a case in point.

Now Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak introduces another policy know as Bumiputra Economic Empowerment programme (BEE).

As if the Malays have not been weakened enough. The BEE is in fact "old wine in new bottle".

But BEE is much stronger with higher octane number in that the alcoholic content is very much higher.

This will ensure that the intoxication will make the Malays much weaker and much addicted to government spoon-feeding. The BN government is dominated by Umno members.

Najib wants to secure his position in Umno election so that he will continue to be PM.

Therefore, he must come up with policies that can muster Umno members into supporting him. He, therefore, introduces the BEE just to keep him in power.

He purportedly claims that it is a token of thanks to the Malays who voted for BN in GE13. In fact it is for his survival in the Umno polls.

The maverick lawyer-cum-politician Zaid Ibrahim is spot-on when he said that the BEE will make the Malays lazier.

PM Najib should in fact introduce policies that will wean off the addiction of the Malays in depending on government hand-outs.

This will restore their hardworking trait without the BEE, a race-based affirmative action to help the majority Malays in this country.

The Umno goons being selfish and ignorant, they only care for themselves and their positions and power to rule the country.

They never bother about the long-term welfare of the Malays.

They never realise that the addiction inflicted on the Malays will make it harder to rehabilitate and get rid off if the spoon-feeding policies continue perpetually.

Malaysia now may have abundant resources. But these resources will deplete over time.

The government will soon not be able to have the means to feed the Malays. When that happens, how can the Malays survive?

Please withdraw the BEE straightaway for the good of the Malays. Then slowly introduce policies that will wean them off the addiction to depend on hand-outs.

This way, the Malays will slowly regain their strength to compete with other races in the country.

The BN must find policies which can strengthen the competitive traits in the Malays, not otherwise.

Najib, Muhyiddin kekal jawatan Presiden, Timb Presiden Umno

Tidak ada borang pencalonan lain diserahkan selain yang dikemukakan kedua pemimpin itu apabila proses penyerahan borang pencalonan tamat 5 petang ini.

KUALA LUMPUR: Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak dan Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin masing-masing mengekalkan jawatan Presiden dan Timbalan Presiden Umno apabila diumum menang tanpa bertanding hari ini.

Pengerusi Jawatankuasa Pemilihan Umno Tan Sri Tajol Rosli mengumumkan tiada borang pencalonan lain diserahkan selain yang dikemukakan kedua-dua pemimpin itu apabila proses penyerahan borang pencalonan tamat 5 petang ini.

Najib memegang jawatan itu sejak 2009 setelah menang tanpa bertanding ketika itu, manakala Muhyiddin juga memenangi jawatan itu sejak 2009 setelah menewaskan bekas Menteri Besar Selangor Tan Sri Muhammad Muhd Taib.

Uniknya pada proses pendaftaran calon hari ini, kedua-dua pemimpin tertinggi parti itu merupakan pencadang bagi pencalonan sesama mereka.

Muhyiddin merupakan pencadang Najib bagi jawatan Presiden, manakala Najib pula menjadi pencadang Muhyiddin untuk jawatan Timbalan Presiden.

Mahathir: Reject corrupt candidates

(The Star) - As Umno goes into election mode, former prime minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad has called on the 146,500 delegates to reject corrupt candidates.

He said voting in corrupt leaders would be detrimental to the party, as they risk facing the brunt of the electorates in the next general election.

“If we choose corrupt leaders, they would have no qualms selling out the race,” he said on his blog.

Dr Mahathir also called for the weeding out of deadwood and replacing them with young blood in order to rejuvenate the party.

He said Umno should get as many youths with nationalist spirit to join the party.

He also took a swipe at detractors who claimed that he was trying to remain in power by proxy through his son Mukhriz, who is vying the vice-president post.

“If I want to help my son, I would have done that when I was the Prime Minister.

“But I did not do that,” said Dr Mahathir.

Mukhriz, meanwhile, said that if his father had any intention of creating a dynasty, he would have allowed him to be active in politics while he was in power.

“But my father only allowed his kin to be active in politics after his retirement,” he said.

The world will laugh at us, says ex-top cop who negotiated 1989 peace treaty with Chin Peng

A former top cop has warned that Malaysia will be made a laughing stock if the government is adamant about its “naïve” decision to refuse to allow Chin Peng’s ashes to be brought back to be interred.

Tan Sri Abdul Rahim Mohd Noor, a former inspector-general of police, said this would also help turn the ex-communist leader into an icon and that it was a step backwards in the government’s attempts to win back Chinese support following the poor performance in the last general election.

“There is a hue and cry from the public not to even allow his ashes (back into Malaysia). My God... this is stretching the argument a bit too far. It’s a bit naive I think.

“If the government succumbs to this public pressure not to allow Chin Peng's ashes to be brought back, I think, we are making Malaysia a laughing stock to the whole world,” he said in an interview from the United Kingdom that aired on BFM yesterday.

Abdul Rahim, who was Special Branch director at that time, led the peace talks which culminated in the Haadyai Peace Treaty 1989. It officially ended the Communist Party of Malaya’s armed struggle against the government.

The refusal to allow Chin Peng into the country even when he was alive, he said, also made a mockery of the 1989 treaty.

He said he convinced the government at that time to engage with the communists in talks, more than 30 years after the failed 1955 Baling negotiations.

He said that even though the 12-year Emergency was lifted in 1960, security forces were still battling communist remnants in the 1980s, but the decline of communism in the region was an opportunity for renewed peace negotiations.

At that time, there were still around 2,000 communists along the Malaysian-Thai border, with the two largest groups being the North Malayan Bureau and the 10th Regiment, which largely comprised Malays, he said.

He said that with the backing of then prime minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, the Special Branch secretly initiated negotiations with the communists at the end of 1987 and early 1988 on Phuket Island over five rounds of talks.

As a result, the 1989 treaty was signed in Haadyai comprising two agreements, one containing the core terms and the other administrative details on how the terms would be implemented.

“I was involved in the drafting of both agreements, so I know full well that under the terms of the agreements, all the agreements applied are binding on every CPM member, from the highest topmost to the bottom.

“So if you say that Chin Peng, as secretary-general of the party (CPM) is the highest most member, then he qualifies to get all the privileges, advantages or whatever promises made in the agreement, which includes for him to be allowed to come back (to Malaysia),” Abdul Rahim said.

He said, according to the agreement, in the event these former communist members were not allowed to permanently return to Malaysia, they should be allowed to enter the country on social visits.

“But in the case of Chin Peng, he was not allowed both. To me, it’s absurd, totally absurd. It’s unfair, grossly unfair... There were other ex-communists who were allowed to come back and they were mainly Malays,” he said.

“Abdullah CD (CPM chairperson) was allowed to come back to Malaysia and was even given an audience with the current sultan of Perak. Rashid Maidin (CPM central committee member), I was told, performed his pilgrimage through KL with the help of the Malaysian authorities. What’s all this?”

He, however, was not prepared to presume that the government’s decision was along racial lines. As far as he was concerned, in Chin Peng’s case, the government had made a mockery of the peace agreement.

He said the public did not seem to understand the context of the international communist struggle and instead perceived the 40 years of communist insurrection in Malaya was Chin Peng’s fight alone and that he was the only one calling all the shots.

“I do not know why it should develop along this line (Chin Peng versus government). The fact is that good or bad - whatever Chin Peng was - the background is a peace treaty had been signed. We got to jolly well honour the terms and conditions,” he said.

Chin Peng spent a third of his life in exile in Thailand.

Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak has said the country will not budge from its stand to prevent Chin Peng’s remains from being brought back, and challenged those unhappy with the decision to seek legal redress.

Checkpoints into the country were also on high alert to prevent his remains from being smuggled in.

Yesterday, Barisan National coalition party MCA said that Chin Peng's remains should be allowed to be brought back here for last rites.

The party's bureau chairman Datuk Heng Seai Kie, in explanation, pointed out that the remains of terrorists Dr Azahari Husin and Nordin Mohamad Top were allowed to be buried in Malaysia.

In response, Malay rights group Perkasa took MCA to task, warning the party not to “upset the Malays”.

Its secretary-general Syed Hassan Syed Ali said many Malays and Chinese had died at the hands of the communists.

Chin Peng, whose real name was Ong Boon Hua, died in a Bangkok hospital on Malaysia Day, a month short of his 89th birthday. He had repeatedly voiced his wish to be buried in his hometown of Sitiawan, Perak.

He fled to China in 1961 and later settled in Bangkok where he was granted an alien passport.

He reportedly moved to Haadyai in recent years and shuttled between Haadyai and Bangkok for cancer treatment.

He became secretary-general of the Communist Party of Malaya at the age of 23 and was Britain’s “enemy number one” in Southeast Asia at the height of the communist insurgency in Malaya. - September 21, 2013.

In Mukhriz, Zaid sees no trace of “Mahathirism”

(MM) - Datuk Mukhriz Mahathir found an unlikely supporter today in one of his father’s more strident critics, Datuk Zaid Ibrahim, who urged Umno members to give the vice-president hopeful a chance in the coming party polls.

Zaid, a former Umno man himself, said Mukhriz will provide “good balance” to the status quo and even dismissed talk that the latter’s leadership would see a return to the era of “Mahathirism”.

“Naive to think Mukhriz will bring back Mahathirism,” Zaid wrote in a series of postings on his Twitter page this afternoon.

“Mukhriz will provide good balance ; the Champions of the Malays must come from different group. Otherwise plunder will be worse.

“Mukhriz not a smooth talker but he should be given a chance. Being nationalistic not a sin, being corrupt and hypocritical is,” he added.

Mukhriz has thrown his hat in the ring for the Umno vice-presidency, effectively turning the heat on in a crowded race among powerful leaders like incumbents Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein and Datuk Seri Shafie Apdal; and aspirants Datuk Seri Ali Rustam and Tan Sri Abdul Isa Samad, both wily old campaigners.

A victory by Mukhriz in the vice-presidency race would put him on the path to mount a challenge for the number two spot in Umno ahead of the 14th general election, which, if successful, could make him Malaysia’s next deputy prime minister.

Political analysts have said that Mukhriz’s bid for ascendancy signalled the desire of Umno’s “old guard” to preserve conservative leanings in the dominant Malay party.

Pro-Mahathir bloggers have begun campaigning for Mukhriz, seeing in him the return to the days where Dr Mahathir ruled with an iron grip and a reversal of policies that purportedly allowed the special position of the Malays to be challenged.

Professor Datuk Mohamad Abu Bakar, political scientist from Universiti Malaya, noted last Thursday that Mukhriz has yet to show that he is a “man of his own”, and that the 48-year-old is seen instead as living in his father’s shadow.

But in an interview on Berita Harian today, Mukhriz dismissed this, saying he does not intend to continue the political dynasty of his father Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad with his entry in the Umno vice-presidency race.

Mukhriz, who is also the Kedah mentri besar, said that he had his own ideas, although he would not negate the good that the former prime minister has done and that he was “excited” to continue what Dr Mahathir has fought for.

“My presence is not to create a dynasty,” Mukhriz said in an interview with the Malay-language daily.

“Coincidentally, I am interested in politics even though my father curbed my interest during the time he was leading the country,” he added.

This year’s Umno polls will see some 146,500 delegates directly elect their top leaders after the party amended its constitution to allow more members to vote, up from the previous 2,500.

Nominations for the Umno supreme council elections will be held on September 28 and voting on October 19.

'Najib was wrong, Chin Peng did apply to come home'

Contrary to Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak's claim, Chin Peng's former comrades and family members have insisted that the late Communist Party of Malaya (CPM) leader had applied to return home following the 1989 Hatyai Peace Accord.

"The lawyers requested three documents from the Home Ministry when Chin Peng first filed the case (to return home) in the Penang High Court.

"The first was a list provided by CPM of those who have applied to go back (to Malaysia), the second a list of those rejected by the government and third, a list of those approved.
                                  
"Chin Peng's name was in the first document, proving he had applied," his ex-comrade Nan Jin told the media at the sidelines of the second day of Chin Peng's wake in Bangkok today.

Chin Peng's nephew, Lee Chung, added that a news article in 1991 also quoted then inspector- general of police Haniff Omar that the former's uncle had applied towards the end of the one-year stipulated application period.
              
He also pointed out that then police Special Branch chief Zulkifli Abdul Rahman was quoted in the same year as claiming that Chin Peng's application was being processed.

"So what (Prime Minister) Najib Abdul Razak said is not the truth because logically, the 1991 statements show that an application was made," he said.

Najib said the remains of Chin Peng – or his real name Ong Boon Hua – would not be allowed on Malaysian soil as he did not apply within the one-year period after the Peace Accord and that the family can sue the government if it disagrees.

Chin Peng lost his case in 2008 when he could not produce identification documents to prove his citienship to the Court of Appeal.

'We'll bring him home with dignity'
Meanwhile, Lee Chung's brother Lee Suvit said the family would "do their best" to fulfill his wish to have his remains returned to his hometown of Sitiawan, Perak.

"We will try to bring him back with dignity," said Suvit, whose sister cared for Chin Peng until he died of cancer on Sept 16.

The Thai national said that despite dying in exile, Chin Peng died "calm and happy", having spent his twilight years with family, writing and taking walks, "just like any other old man".

While the rest of the world may focus on Chin Peng's political role, for the family, it would be his jokes and kindness which would be missed the most.

Painting a picture of a much-loved patriach, he said that Chin Peng would play his harmonica at family gatherings and his favourite tune was the song “Red Flag”.

Suvit said that even Chin Peng's absence in his children's life was an act of sacrifice to "protect them". Both children are Malaysians and shy away from the public eye to avoid possible reprisals.

Suvit said that his daughter, now only a year younger than Chin Peng when he became CPM secretary-general at 23, grew very close to him.

Yet, he said, Chin Peng's grandnieces and grandnephews, who were seen at the wake, do not know much about their granduncle's political significance.

Born and bred in modern Thailand, their lives are a far cry compared to Chin Peng's who joined the resistance at 15.

"Mine, too, is very different. He used to say 'times were tough in my days' and we'd brush him off.

"Maybe (his grandnephews and grandnieces) know some stories about him from us, but I think they just know that their granduncle is a good man, and whatever his struggle was, it was for a good cause," he said.

Suvit, who now owns a factory in Shanghai, said his own grandchildren would know even less about Chin Peng.

"There is no need to pass down stories about his struggle to the coming generations. They can read about his role in Malaysia's Independence and Southeast Asia in books. He is part of history," he said.

Two Indian Institute of Science scientists crack mystery of black holes

Black holes, as stars are known postdeath, are not visible to the plain eye.

BANGALORE: A scientist from Indian Institute of Science (IISc) Bangalore, and his student have successfully applied Albert Einstein's gravity theory to unlock the mysteries of black holes.

Banibrata Mukhopadhyay, associate professor, department of physics, IISc, and his student Indrani Banerjee worked for over two years for their landmark discovery. Their study on black holes has been acknowledged by the scientific community across the globe, including professors from Harvard University. The duo has published its findings in the international journal Physical Review Letters.

Black holes, as stars are known postdeath, are not visible to the plain eye. Though not visible, black holes devour everything in their neighbourhood given the gravitational pulls they exercise. It was hitherto believed that mass and spin are the determining properties of black holes and they would go a long way in determining the influence of black holes on their neighbourhood as well as their pre-death star existence.

Their new study, says Banibrata, who worked in Harvard for three years before joining IISc in 2007, throws more light on black holes and their properties, particularly the correlation between mass and spin or rotation. They have proved that mass and spin are not independent of each other but actually interdependent. They have established that mass of the star could be used to calculate the spin.

"The spin of the observed black holes is still a debatable issue — the exact value of the spin is not known. On the other hand mass can be determined more easily. Rotation of the black hole is determined by the mass and rotation of the initial star. The larger the mass of the initial star the greater it tends to have a high rotational speed and turn into swiftly spinning black holes. The smaller the mass of the initial star the slower its rotation and spin. This property shows that spin and mass are correlated. Hence if mass is known, the spin can be predicted. Eventually, only one fundamental parameter characterizes the black hole," Banibrata explained.

Indrani, a PhD student of physics, said, "First we were working on how stars collapse and end up into black holes. During the research, the thought of discovering the properties emerged," she said.

WHAT ARE BLACK HOLES?

Black holes are formed when stars exhaust their 'nuclear fuel' or are 'dead'. They are abyssinian spaces that exert strong gravitational force on everything in their vicinity. The hole is called 'black' because it absorbs all the light that hits the horizon, reflecting nothing. The largest black holes are called 'supermassive'. These black holes have masses that are more than 1 million suns together.

Pekerja binaan jumpa ‘lintah gergasi’

Sungai Siput: Beberapa pekerja binaan yang sedang menggali longkang berhampiran kawasan perindustrian di Kampung Muhibbah, di sini, bertempiaran melarikan diri sejurus terserempak haiwan aneh seperti ‘lintah gergasi’, pagi semalam.

Haiwan bertubuh lembik seberat 25 kilogram dan panjang hampir dua meter itu menggerunkan penduduk berikutan turut mempunyai bentuk muka menyerupai anjing.

Pekerja yang enggan namanya disiarkan berkata, haiwan itu ditemui di dalam longkang yang digali mereka pada jam 10.15 pagi.

Menurutnya, dia yang terkejut dengan penemuan haiwan itu menghubungi Jabatan Pertahanan Awam (JPAM) Sungai Siput untuk menangkap haiwan itu.

“Saya tidak pasti sama ada ia ular berikutan tubuhnya lembik seperti lintah. Malah, kulit haiwan itu agak kasar seperti kulit biawak.

“Ini kali pertama saya melihat haiwan pelik seumpama itu. Saya memang terkejut dan hairan bagaimana haiwan itu berada di dalam lubang yang digali,” katanya.

Sementara itu, Pegawai Angkatan dan Latihan Operasi JPAM Leftenan A Balasubramaniam berkata, tiga anggotanya dihantar ke lokasi kejadian untuk menangkap haiwan aneh itu.

Menurutnya, petugas JPAM turut terkejut berikutan tidak pernah berjumpa haiwan seumpama itu sebelum menangkap dan membawanya pulang ke pejabat JPAM, di sini.

“Kami sendiri pelik dengan haiwan itu berikutan ia tidak agresif sebaliknya mempunyai tubuh lembik dan menggerutu.

“Namun, akhirnya kami dimaklumkan ia sejenis ular air dipanggil ular guni buruk atau ular karung guni yang dikategorikan sebagai ular air tawar,” katanya.

Chin Peng

Thai princess, retired generals laud Chin Peng

A wreath of orchids from Thai princess Chulabhorn Walailak placed in front of the coffin of former CPM leader Chin Peng tells a story the Malaysian government is not likely to agree with.

In Wat That Thong, one of the more famous temples in Bangkok, it is this story that retired Thai generals, who came to pay their respects to Chin Peng this afternoon, will remember him by.

According to retired general Kitti Rattanachaya (left), who was given the honour of spraying holy water on Chin Peng's body before it was placed in the coffin, Chin Peng should be remembered as a hero, not as a terrorist.

Through signing the Hatyai Peace Agreement of 1989, Kitti said, Chin Peng "played a key role in maintaining peace" along the Thai-Malaysian border.

"He fought for the independence of his country, just like (Vietnam leader) Ho Chi Minh, but he did not succeed.

"It is proper to allow his ashes to be returned to Malaysia. Forgive and forget, let bygones be bygones. Once someone dies, everything is finished," Kitti told members of the media.

As a former military man who led troops against the CPM guerillas, he said, he viewed Chin Peng - who spent a third of his life in exile in Thailand - as an elder brother.

"(The Malaysian position) is just politics. When a peace agreement is signed, there is no longer animosity," Kitti said, stressing that this was his personal view and not that of the Thai government.

Forgiveness the only solution

Agreeing with him, Akanit Muansawad, a general who retired from the Thai army last year, said that for him, forgiveness was the only way to bring peace.

As the first Thai army officer to broker talks with Chin Peng in August 1973, Akanit said he made the decision to do after losing many of his men.

"I was a captain then and in one year, I lost 50 soldiers - 30 died and 20 were wounded. I got malaria 13 times from going in and out of the jungle.

"I forgave because I couldn't see any other way to solve the problem," Akanit (right) said.

The princess' wreath was just one of many in memory of Chin Peng today.

Among them was a wreath of yellow flowers from his children, with a message simply reading: "In loving memory of our dear father."

Of the 50-odd family members and friends who came to the quiet and sombre affair today, many were seen in tears.

According to Anas Abdullah, a family friend who helped arrange the wake and funeral, more than 100 former CPM guerilla fighters are expected to pay their respects in the next two days, before Chin Peng's body is cremated on Monday.

The son of a CPM leader and the son-in-law of one of the oldest surviving Malay CPM members Abdullah CD, Anas said his father-in-law was not able to make the 10-hour drive to Bangkok from the Sukhirin peace village, near Narathiwat.

"But about 10 people from the village will be driving over tomorrow," Anas said of the village that is home to former 10th Regiment fighters, who are mostly Muslims.

‘What harm can Chin Peng’s ashes do?’

An MCA leader supports the return of Chin Peng's ashes, contrary to party president Dr Chua Soi Lek's position.

PETALING JAYA: Despite his death a week ago, former Communist Party Malaya (CPM) leader Chin Peng continues to stir controversy – this time in MCA.

MCA Publicity Bureau chairman Heng Seai Kie today said the ashes of Chin Peng should be allowed to be brought home, contrary to party president Dr Chua Soi Lek’s statement on Tuesday that Chin was a “personality who undermined national security for decades”.

Chua had not directly dismissed Chin Peng’s return, but acknowledged the call by former special branch deputy director Yuen Yuet Leng and had said: “I don’t have (any reasons). He (Yuen) may has his information which is not made available to me.”

“Whether Chin Peng is a hero or not is not an issue here. In fact, you do not need to be a hero to be allowed a burial in Malaysia,” Heng said in a press statement.

“The BN government does not need anymore bad publicity of being seen as making decisions based on racial lines,” she added.

Heng justified her statement with the “decent burial” of suspected terrorists Dr Azahari Husin and Nordin Mohamad Top – two individuals wanted by the Indonesian governments for several deadly bombings – in Jasin and Pontian, respectively.

“Born and bred in Malaya, everyone, including Chin Peng has the right to be interred in Malaysia. On humanitarian grounds, we should honour this nonagenarian’s last wishes,” she said.

“On the other hand, there are no laws in this country which forbids anyone who intends to have last rites and his resting place here,” she added.

“After all, what harm can his ashes do to the country?” she asked.

Heng further said the government should honour the clauses agreed upon in the Haadyai Peace Accord “so as to uphold the integrity and credibility of our government”.

“Since other Communist Party of Malaya leaders like Syed Hamid Ali and Shamsiah Faekah were allowed to return to reside in Malaysia, why not the same be applied to Chin Peng?” she questioned.

On Thursday, MCA vice-president Gan Ping Sieu said the government should not succumb to political pressure nor act in a vindictive manner over the return of Chin’s ashes.

Yesterday, Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak welcomed Chin Peng sympathisers to legally challenge the government’s decision of barring the latter’s remains from entering Malaysia should they feel the government has got no legal rights to do so.

Najib was responding to a FMT report which quoted several legal experts as saying that the ashes of Chin was his family’s individual property, should the former Communist Party of Malaya secretary-general be cremated.

Earlier yesterday, former Inspector-General of Police Musa Hassan said was a terrorist and there is no need to acknowledge his death.

UN hears of ‘atrocities’ in Sabah, S’wak

Suaram reports to the UNHCR that the situation of the natives in Sabah and Sarawak was worrying.

KUALA LUMPUR: The United Nations today heard of the ‘forced displacement” and “loss of livelihood” faced by the indigenous communities in Sabah and Sarawak as a result of the various development projects, including the construction of many hydroelectric dams.

Tabling their report on issues at the 24th regular session of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in Geneva, Suaram executive director Nalini Elumalai said the situation in Sabah and Sarawak was particularly worrying.

“The indigenous peoples of Malaysia facing forced displacement and loss of livelihood due to large extractive industries.

‘We are particularly concerned by the situation on the East Malaysian states of Sabah and Sarawak”, she said.

Earlier in a separate written statement also tabled before the UN, she urged the Malaysian government “to end the violence and harassment against indigenous peoples defending their native customary land, and to ratify ILO Convention 169″.

Suaram, which was speaking on behalf of human rights defenders in Malaysia, also told the hearing that it recognised “the challenges facing the indigenous communities” even as Malaysia pursued its “development and modernity” agenda.

“Indigenous peoples should be afforded with the choice of joining mainstream society,” the statement said.

Malaysia is signatory to the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), but has still not ratified ILO Convention 169.

The ILO Convention is a legally binding international instrument that deals specifically with the rights of indigenous and tribal peoples.

Countries that have ratified the convention are subject to supervision of how the requirements are implemented.

Nalini while commending the Malaysian government for being a signatory to the convention, called on the authorities to enshrine the “the rights of indigenous peoples to free, prior and informed consent, as declared under UNDRIP”.

Allow special rapporteur in

Meanwhile Malaysia’s Human Rights Commission, Suhakam, in a video message told the UN hearing that the adoption of a human rights based approach to development are key elements in ensuring that indigenous peoples’ rights are protected.

Echoing Suaram’s stance, Suhakam said it “strongly believes the recognition of indigenous customary right to land” must also be protected.

Suaram also called for the Malaysian authorities to allow Special UN Rapporteur on Indigenous Rights, James Anaya to conduct a mission to Malaysia as soon as possible.

Anaya had visited Kuala Lumpur earlier this year to meet with representatives of the Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact (AIPP), which included a contingent of Malaysian indigenous peoples.

He was here to conduct research for a thematic report on extractive industries.

Suaram, Aliran and other Malaysian NGOs are in Geneva to lobby the international community on Malaysian indigenous issues in the run up to Malaysia’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR) in October.

The UPR assesses the human rights records of all the UN’s 193 member states.

The UPR provides an opportunity for all member states to declare what actions they have taken to improve the human rights situations in their countries.

In real terms, the periodic review is designed to prompt, support and expand the promotion and protection of human rights on the ground.

Experts: Tribunal ‘witnesses’ can be sued

Legal experts have warned that those who spoke up at Bersih's People's Tribunal could face legal repercussions as they are without immunity.

PETALING JAYA: Those ‘testifying’ before Bersih’s People’s Tribunal could spark a legal backlash of defamation and other civil suits, and possibly charged with sedition, legal experts said today.

Civil Liberties lawyer Syahredzan Johan and legal expert Dr Azmi Sharom concur that unlike the Royal Commission Inquiry (RCI) and Suhakam inquiry, the Bersih’s tribunal was without the involvement of government officials thus, it had no legal standing and the “witnesses” were without immunity.

“However, this is not to discourage anyone but since civil experts have concurred that Malaysian courts are quick to discharge election offences cases, the people have to resort this avenue to voice their dissatisfaction with the general election,” Syahredzan said.

According to him, the government was supposed to look into the alleged election offences but it failed to do so therefore, such tribunals were set up for the citizens to vent their grouses. The people’s lack of confidence in the system also compelled the people to resort to such tribunals.

Syahredzan also urged the tribunal organisers to advise their witnesses before hand on the repercussions of testifying.

“Remember, the people are speaking out without fear and telling the truth…that is the best weapon to defeat defamation,” he said.

Another legal expert Dr Azmi Sharom also echoed the views, saying that Bersih organisers should give legal aid or protection if there is any legal charges taken up against the witnesses.

“Since the courts are shunning election offence cases, the people have nowhere to go to vent their pent up dissatisfaction except at these tribunals,” he said.

Bersih 2.0 organised the five-day “People’s Tribunal on 13th General Elections” with a coalition of 84 NGOs voicing for clean and fair elections to investigate the conduct of the last general election and to provide a platform for Malaysians to make their voice heard.

The Head of the Legal Team would tender arguments and “evidence” of those who “testified” at the tribunal to a panel of eminent figures.

On the second day of the tribunal yesterday, notable witnesses had made claims such as Barisan Nasional supporters from the Tapah parliamentary constituency threatening PKR security aide late K Murugan during the 13th general election campaign and Cameron Highlands MP G Palanivel had dabbled in money politics and resorting to threats to win the seat.

Yesterday, Attorney-General Abdul Gani Patail called the tribunal a public stunt that has not legal grounds.

He said the Bersih tribunal was different from a Royal Commission of Inquiry which is a formal public inquiry into a specific issue and governed by certain acts.

PSM, Jerit gesa KP NS bertindak

Mereka mahu tindakan disiplin diambil ke atas Ketua Balai Polis Mantin, Cif Inspektor Rashid Kasim atas dakwaan salah guna kuasa.

SEREMBAN: Ketua Polis Negeri Sembilan, Datuk SAC Osman Salleh digesa mengambil tindakan disiplin terhadap Ketua Balai Polis Mantin, Cif Inspektor Rashid Kasim kerana bertindak kasar dan gagal menjalankan tugas secara profesional.

Gesaan itu dibuat Parti Sosialis Malaysia (PSM) dan sebuah pertubuhan bukan kerajaan (NGO), Jaringan Rakyat Tertindas (Jerit) hari ini.

PSM dan Jerit merujuk kepada insiden penangkapan 12 individu termasuk ahli PSM, aktivis Jerit dan penduduk Kampung Hakka, di Mantin pada 12 September lepas.

Setiausaha PSM Seremban, S Tinagaran dalam memorandum yang diserahkan kepada Pegawai Hal Ehwal Awam, Ibu Pejabat Kontinjen (IPK) Polis Negeri Sembilan, Adanan Buayurin meminta Ketua Polis Negeri Sembilan menyiasat dan seterusnya mengambil tindakan yang sewajarnya.

“Saya mewakili PSM, Jerit dan penduduk Kampung Hakka menuntut agar Polis Mantin tidak campur tangan dalam hal masalah tanah antara penduduk kampung dengan pemaju kerana masalah ini masih dalam perbicaraan mahkamah.

“Kami mendesak polis membuat penilaian semula terhadap tuduhan yang disabitkan oleh Ketua Polis Mantin di mana lima aktivis serta tujuh penduduk kampung ditahan dan digari atas satu kesalahan yang tak masuk akal serta tidak munasabah.

“Terdapat salah guna kuasa oleh Ketua Balai Polis Mantin dalam Borang Hak-Hak Orang DiTangkap Seksyen 28A di mana berlakunya penyelewengan butiran pengesahan oleh pegawai penangkap.

“Kami ingin mengutarakan isu-isu secara langsung kepada Ketua Polis Negeri Sembilan memandangkan ada segelintir polis termasuk

Ketua Balai Polis Mantin mempunyai satu persepsi buruk terhadap ahli PSM serta NGO Jerit berdasarkan beberapa insiden sebelum ini dan menggunakan peluang ini untuk membalas dendam.

“Kami juga mendapati, semua siasatan yang dijalankan ini adalah dengan perasaan yang kurang memuaskan dan dengki serta memutuskan bahawa semua tahanan sebagai penceroboh,” kata Tinagaran.

Insiden

Tinagaran berkata terdapat beberapa insiden salah guna kuasa polis yang tidak professional yang Ketua Polis Negeri Sembilan perlu mengambil perhatian dan antaranya adalah:

Cara Ketua Balai Polis Mantin Cif Inspektor Rashid Kasim dimana beliau menahan serta menggari sendiri lima aktivis serta tiga penduduk kampung tanpa berunding walaupun kami semua bersedia berunding dengan beliau. (Aduan polis disertakan).

Membuat tahanan atas arahan Ketua Balai Polis terhadap empat lagi penduduk kampung di dalam Balai Polis Mantin sedangkan mereka berempat datang ke balai polis untuk membuat laporan polis terhadap insiden yang berlaku pada pagi tersebut. Ini adalah penahanan yang tidak sah. (Aduan polis disertakan).

Melakukan siasatan terhadap kesemua 12 tahanan dan memberi layanan seolah-olah seorang penjenayah di mana tangan kami digari sepanjang siasatan, mengambil ujian air kencing, mengambil cap jari keseluruhan dan mengambil beberapa gambar beserta nombor plat. Pihak polis turut mengambil ujian DNA dengan mengugut kami apabila kami tidak bersetuju untuk memberi walaupun ia adalah hak kami. (Kronologi disertakan).

Berlakunya penyelewengan butiran dalam Borang Hak-Hak Orang Di tangkap seksyen 28A dimana pengesahan oleh pegawai ditangkap adalah merupakan Mohd Sufian Bin Yusof (Pangkat Koperal) sedangkan kami empat aktivis ditahan dan digari sendiri oleh Ketua Balai Polis Mantin, Inspektor Rashid. (Lampiran disertakan).

Justeru itu, Tinagaran berkata memorandum ini adalah bertujuan untuk mengutarakan isu ini secara langsung kepada Ketua Polis Negeri Sembilan selaku pegawai polis tertinggi di Negeri Sembilan.

“Kami dari PSM menyeru Ketua Polis Negeri Sembilan mengambil tindakan yang sewajarnya terhadap tuntutan yang diutarakan di atas kerana penduduk kampung Hakka hilang kepercayaan terhadap pegawai-pegawai siasatan Balai Polis Mantin serta IPD Nilai terutamanya Ketua Balai Polis Mantin, Inspektor Rashid.

Turut hadir menyerahkan memorandum kepada wakil Ketua Polis Negeri Sembilan ialah Inspektor Adenan ialah beberapa penduduk Kampung Hakka, Mantin dan aktivis Jerit.

MCA: Why let Jemaah Islamiyah terrorists in and not Chin Peng?

Perlembagaan Malaysia, Perlembagaan Sekular

Chin Peng and a generation of angry people

COMMENT Driving me to the airport en route to Bangkok for the man's funeral, my brother asked me: "Why is there such a big fuss over Chin Peng's death?"

Born in 1988, my brother, like many in our generation, was still in diapers when Chin Peng - the last leader of an armed struggle of his era in this region - signed the Hatyai Peace Accord with the Malaysian government.

My brother's 'memory' of Chin Peng (right in photo), if at all, is a half-faded recollection of Rundingan Baling - a familiar term, if only because we had all memorised it for Form 2 history exams.

This, even though we were fortunate enough to grow up in a household where Communist Party of Malaya memoirs - including the Ching Peng's 'My Side of History' - filled our family bookshelves.

Like my brother, I was a teenager when the Chin Peng's 527-page book hit the market. I remember lugging it to a sort of summer camp I was attending that school holiday. I also remember that I only lasted a few chapters.

For teenage Aidila, it was a hard read, a tedious read, a book about things, people, events which meant little to me.

Relative to my peers, on a scale of 1-10 (1 being completely ignorant and 10 being absolutely knowledgeable about the history of the Leftist movement), adult Aidila is probably a five, if at all.
Reaction triggers bewilderment 
And I say this because while I am not completely unaware of that part of Malaysian history, much of my knowledge on this was only gained over the few years of working as a journalist.

It is because of this that I spent the morning of Sept 16 bewildered by the reactions to Chin Peng's death on social media and in the readers' comments sections of news portals.

Not as scathing but still laced with malice, one man - also a child of the Eighties - said it was a Malaysia Day gift.

And he did not mince his words: "We should just flush his body down the toilet!"

Never mind the logistics of doing what the angry man had suggested, the question swirling in my head was: 'Where does this anger comes from?'

Was it from watching too many re-runs of 'Bukit Kepong'? Because I watched those, too, and can hardly remember anything but Jins Shamsudin in khaki shorts.

Was I not as angry because I am not patriotic enough? Or is it because I don't know anyone who had been widowed or orphaned in those long years of the insurgency?

Casualty rate reveals truth
But despite my late grandmother's stories of sexual assault, torture and murder by Japanese troops - I feel no hate for the Japanese.

Could it be then because I am just simply not Malay enough? The anger, at least online, seem to come exclusively from Malays, furious with this Chinese man for killing Malay soldiers.

But a Malay twenty-something engineer KL-ite who voted, reads the newspapers and generally keeps abreast of current affairs told me: "I don't really know much about him, to be honest."

Another young man, this time a Chinese from Alor Setar - just a few hours drive from the Southern Thai villages where former CPM fighters eventually settled down - seems to be in the same boat.

"Who is Chin Peng? Is he someone we know from school?" he had asked.

(For the record, while it is true that Malays enlisted by thousands in the Malay regiment and police during the insurgency, historian Lennox A Mills notes that the largest number of deaths were among the Chinese - 1,700, all civilians, were killed as at June 1957. In contrast, his colleague Brian Stewart wrote that by the end of the Emergency in 1960, a total of 1,346 police personnel were killed, 1,601 wounded.)
Getting all  hot in ignorance
Fifty-eight percent of Malaysians are below the age of 30. That's more than 16 million people. Many more did not live through the Emergency.

As the debate over whether to allow Chin Peng's ashes into Malaysia rages on, many of them will grow even more enraged over someone they know next to nothing about.

I know Chin Peng fought along British troops against the Japanese, but got double-crossed by the British and then fought against them, too. I also know that he was prepared to end the armed struggle in 1955 - albeit with conditions.

I know that Chin Peng continued the armed struggle which killed many, including the assassination of top cops, despite Malaya already achieving Independence in 1957.

I also know that I don't know as much about Chin Peng as I'd like to.

But instead of lazy indifference or blind rage, I'd like to learn more.

---

AIDILA RAZAK is a member of the Malaysiakini team. The writer is currently in Bangkok.

CPM leader's long-time comrade still feels betrayed

When Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra cried 'Merdeka!' seven times on Aug 31, 1957, Lao Chiang was a 28-year-old crouching near a radio in the middle of the jungle.

Taking up arms as part of the Communist Party of Malaya guerrilla army four years earlier, Lao said the Merdeka broadcast felt like a betrayal.

"He (the Tunku) did not say a word about the communist fighters. We fought the Japanese and the British, and now the fruit of independence was taken by someone else. Khianat," he said in Malay.

It is this sense of betrayal that kept him in the jungles, fighting with the 5th Regiment until the peace accord in 1989.

"A few days before the peace accord (then CPM secretary-general) Chin Peng came to see us in the jungle on the Thai border and told us we could soon lay down our weapons.

"In 1989 we were still there, still in our uniforms because the Tunku did not agree to let us be free (in the 1955 Baling Talks).

"If Chin Peng had agreed to the Tunku's conditions, all of us would have been charged with some crime or the other. Thank goodness for Chin Peng."

A towkay's son

Today, at Chin Peng's wake in a temple in Bangkok, Lao Chiang (a nickname that means 'old river') is feeling a mix of betrayal and loyalty.

Loyalty for a "towkay's son who gave up wealth to fight for the people", and the feeling of betrayal over how Chin Peng has been treated, even in death.

Ironically dressed in a jacket with the words 'police' written on its sleeve, Lao said, bitterly: "The police won't even allow his ashes in. Not one little speck!

"A three-day wake for someone like him is so short," Lao said, his voice, cracking. "He was a great man, but they (the Malaysian government) can't even properly remember his name."

His 36 years in the jungle did not appear to have taken a toll on his health.

At 84 - and only five years younger than Chin Peng when he died on Sept 16 - Lao stands straight as a broom and was seen pacing the temple perimeter for hours, waiting for Chin Peng's remains to arrive.

Eagerly, he tells Malaysiakini that he hails from the same small town as Chin Peng - Sitiawan in Perak.

"But I didn't know him until later. He was already part of the revolution at the age of 15. I was still planting vegetables."

Independence and equality

Having worked in an underground anti-colonisation movement, along with members of AMCJA-Putera for six years, he said he took up arms because police started looking for him.

"No one knew, not my brother, or even my wife. But a Special Branch officer went to my brother and told him I was with CPM. I had no choice but to go to the jungle," Lao said.

"We survived because the people gave us food and money. Malay and Chinese villagers, Indian estate workers who hardly had enough or themselves. The guerilla army existed because of the people."

Joining the insurgency also meant leaving his pregnant wife. He would not meet his daughter for another 36 years, when she sought him out at the peace village in which he settled down, in southern Thailand.

In 1989, Lao applied to return to Malaysia but was rejected because he refused to denounce the CPM.

"They had it all written out for me. That the CPM was bad and all that, and I had to sign it. I refused so I was not allowed to return to Malaysia."

These days, he said, he enters Malaysia with a Thai passport and sometimes he meets his grandson.

"He's a bright kid, drives a big car. But the government did not want him. He could not get contracts because he is Chinese. They only gave things to Malays, so he's now in Singapore.

"Independence did not bring us equality," Lao added.

Chin Peng 'never regretted his actions'

As far as Anas Abdullah can recall, in the 56 years that he had known former Communist Party of Malaya leader Chin Peng, the latter had never expressed regret for his actions.

"He never felt any regret. What he did was right. Going against colonisers is not wrong," Anas (right) said when met at Chin Peng's wake at a Bangkok temple this drizzly morning.

"He had to continue with the insurgency after the Baling Talks because the Tunku (Abdul Rahman Putra) did not allow us to be free.

"CPM members were to report to police stations, like we were criminals. It was unacceptable."

Eyes glistening, the soft spoken Anas, 56, the son of Regiment 10 leader Abdullah Sudin, said there was no talk of regret even when he last visited the 89-year-old in hospital last week.

"Chin Peng was upbeat and optimistic, and even with a tube attached to his nose, he called out to me. He recognised me and was happy," he said of the man he called 'Uncle'.

Although the conversations were short - "He was tired so we didn't want to wear him out" - on his deathbed, Chin Peng never indicated that he would have taken a different path.

A warm man who liked the harmonica

Remembering his 'Uncle' as a warm, accesible person who loved to play the harmonica, Anas travelled from Kampung Sukhirin, in South Thailand, the moment he received the call that Chin Peng was no more.

"I got the call and immediately. I thought, ‘He died at 6.20am on Sept 16. The CPM took up arms on June 20 (1948), and Sept 16 is Malaysia Day.

"We don't believe in in superstitious things but it is something coincidental," said Anas, a Malay and a practising Muslim.

The son-in-law of CPM fighter Abdullah CD, Anas first met Chin Peng at the age of 12 and worked alongside Chin Peng at radio station Suara Revolusi Malaya in China.

"Sometimes, he would play the harmonica for broadcast.

"He'd come to us and put his arms around us, and invite us for walks together. He was not like what he is made out to be."

In a picture in his mother-in-law Suriani Abdullah's memoir, Anas is a moutachioed 32-year-old, the youngest and only surviving member of CPM's delegation of six in Hatyai.

"I had a mustache before, but no longer. It comes out white now," he said, giggling.

But then his boyish, smiling face clouded over with a sense of sadness: "I'm only one left now. I'm all alone."

Breach of peace agreement

More than sad, Anas appeared more disappointed, even angry that the Malaysian government had chosen to treat Chin Peng's memory the way it has.

As someone who was party to the intial talks and the final peace agreement, Anas said, Malaysia has now cemented its position as a country that does not uphold international agreements.

He said that by  raisingsuch a  shield  against the return of Chin Peng's remains, Malaysia had breached at least two points of the agreement - to allow all CPM members to return home and not to slander them any more.

Now a Thai citizen Anas said the whole matter has been politicised.

He applied to return to Malaysia in 1989 but was rejected because he could not prove his citizenship. Anas was born in Indonesia and his parents were born in Singapore.

"Now even the prime minister is calling us terrorists... It has become a tool to instigate the Malays...," he said.

He pointed out that the 1989 peace talks took off because of Abdullah CD's long-standing friendship with then deputy prime minister Abdul Ghafar Baba.

Leaders from both sides then had ties that bound them together, he said. However, these things have now been forgotten.

"How do we say who's punching right or who's punching wrong in a boxing match? The police attacked us and we attacked them, too.

"We even fought with the Thai soldiers, and some were killed, hurt or maimed. But why is it that the the Thais do not treat us in the same manner (as Malaysians)?"

MCA: Muslim terrorists buried here, why not Chin Peng?

Turning up the heat ahead of Chin Peng's cremation, MCA questions the government’s double standard in reference to  the burial of two Muslim terrorists in the country.

The party's publicity chief Heng Sia Kee said the government should not appear as being racist and allow the former communist leader’s ashes to be brought back.

Heng was referring to the late Azahari Husin and Nordin Mohamad Top, both of whom were wanted by the Indonesian government for the 2002 and 2005 Bali bombings, attack on Jakarta's JW Marriott hotel in 2003, and on the Australian embassy in 2004.

They, too, were far from being Malaysian heroes, noted Heng.

"Whether Chin Peng is a hero or not is not an issue here. The government does not need any more bad publicity to be seen as making decisions based on racial lines," she added.

Furthermore, Heng said, both Azahari and Nordin could be considered the worst villains as they sought out innocent lives for destruction.

Azahari and Nordin were both colleagues in Universiti Teknologi Malaysia (UTM) in Johor before allegedly climbing the ranks of Jemaah Islamiah (JI), a terrorist network linked to Al-Qaeda.

Azahari was shot dead in Indonesia in November 2005. Nordin was at one point Indonesia's most wanted Islamic militant and said to be a key bombmaker for JI. He was killed in 2009.

"It should be pointed out that unlike the two terrorists as named above, whose goal was terrorism and targets were innocent tourists or anything deemed Western, Chin Peng's war was to secure Independence," said Heng, adding that this was no different from Indonesians resorting to an armed struggle against the Dutch.

She noted that while it was true that Malaysia rejected communist ideals, the  Communist Party of Malaya (CPM) fought mostly against security forces.

In view of this, she said, MCA appealed for the Sitiawan-born Chin Peng’s ashes to be brought back.

"On humanitarian grounds, we should honour this nonagenarian’s last wishes. After all, what harm can his ashes do to the country?" she asked.

Heng also pointed out that former CPM leaders like Syed Hamid Ali and Shamsiah Faekah were also allowed to return to reside in Malaysia as agreed to in the Hatyai Agreement.
                                      
Born Ong Boon Hua in 1924, Chin Peng was pronounced dead at 6.20am on Monday in Bangkok and he is slated to be cremated today in Bangkok.

Among others, government leaders have argued that Chin Peng did not accept the offer for Malaysian citizenship after the peace deal was inked in 1989.

Forced to sleep on the walkway

Najib: Halang Chin Peng pulang tak langgar perjanjian

Anwar: Mahathir not entirely to blame for Project IC

Philippines: Jihad Displaces More than 60,000

MANILA, PHILIPPINES (Worthy News)– Philippine troops have begun to battle their way back into several coastal communities in Zamboanga where Muslim rebels have held residents hostage in a six-day standoff that so far has killed 56 and displaced more than 60,000, according to Creeping Sharia.

Interior Secretary Mar Roxas said government forces surrounding the Moro National Liberation Front's fighters have slowly started to retake rebel-held villages in the outskirts of the port city.

President Benigno Aquino III assured displaced villagers who were sheltered at a sports complex in Zamboanga that the government was working to quickly end the crisis.

He said the government was obligated to use "the force of the state" against any rebels holding hostages.

The standoff began last week when about 200 rebel fighters stormed several villages in Zamboanga; the rebels' rationale for the attack was that the Philippine government had reneged on a promise to develop long-neglected Muslim areas within the majority Catholic nation.

Back in 1966, rebel leader Nur Misuari signed a peace deal with the state, but instead of giving up their arms, the Muslims made new demands.

Curfew in Delga, a Islamist-held town where Christians cannot live

This morning, the army entered some of the town's districts only thanks to air cover. The Muslim Brotherhood and Salafists had taken it over on 14 August. Because Islamists are heavily armed, the army and police waited for reinforcements before moving in. half of the town's 20,000 Christians have fled after churches and homes were torched or demolished. Those left have to pay jizya, a tax for unbelievers last levied under Ottoman rule.

Delga (AsiaNews/Agencies) - A small-scale civil war broke out yesterday in Delga, a town in Upper Egypt following its takeover by Islamists over a month ago.

According to local sources, the Egyptian military and police retook the town this morning from armed extremist militia, only thanks to the intervention of the air force.

From Cairo, the orders are clear. Those responsible for the violence must be arrested and Delga must be back under state control.

The military moved in following continuous allegations of religious persecution against Christians by the Muslim Brotherhood. For weeks, the army and police declined to intervene for lack of manpower and to avoid casualties.

Some 20,000 Christians lived in the city, which remains off-limits to outsiders.

On 14 August, Islamists took advantage of the chaos that began when the authorities began clearing pro-Morsi camps in Cairo to occupy Delga and impose Sharia law on the entire population.

After their takeover, members of the Muslim Brotherhood torched at least 62 homes and forced half of the Christian population to flee Minya Governorate.

Many of the homeless who stayed found shelter with other Christian and Muslim families.

Coptic residents said that some Islamic leaders tried to negotiate with the Islamists to stop the destruction of homes.

Youssef Alfi, a resident, said that extremists started to force Christians to pay the "jizya", the ancient poll tax tolerated non-Muslim minorities have to pay if they want to survive in Islamic territory.

The "tax" ranged from a minimum of 200 Egyptian pounds (US$ 30) to 500 pounds (US$ 70) per household, a considerable sum considering that an average Egyptian salary is around US$ 135 per month.

Anyone who did not pay had his house set on fire and destroyed.

Even those who fled town had to pay for fear that when they came back they would find their property burnt.

On 14 August, "Thousands of Islamists were attacking all the houses and we rushed to escape from the houses, leaving everything," a woman said. "Everything we possess was looted and some parts of our houses were torched.

"We now live at homes of Christians and some just Muslims hosted others, because we cannot return to our homes," a man added.

Islamists especially vented their rage on churches and monasteries. Like many other villages and towns of Upper Egypt, Delga has a mixed population. Christians and Muslims live and work in buildings next to each other.

Local sources said that the Muslim Brotherhood destroyed the town's three main Christian sites: the ancient Coptic Church of the Virgin Mary, a building that dates back to the 4th Century AD; St George's Church; and the Anba Abraam Monastery, which had already been attacked in 1993.

The Coptic church is now a pile of rubble. Its ancient furniture, dome and altars were destroyed. Salafists and members of the Muslim Brotherhood even stole its marble slabs.

Nothing was spared, said Fr Abraam Tanas, the priest of the Church of the Virgin Mary and resident in the monastery.

The attack came from the nearby Ebad el- Rahman mosque, which is located less than a hundred metres from the Coptic monastery.

Attackers broke into the building. After burning and destroying objects, stealing works of art, and desecrating ancient relics, they wrote graffiti on church walls, like 'There is no god but Allah' and 'Egypt is Islamic'.

On the monastery's main wall, extremists also wrote 'Delga Martyrs Mosque'.

Is Ku Nan saying there were Bangladeshis in Putrajaya?'

BERSIH TRIBUNAL Bersih 2.0 co-chairperson Ambiga Sreenevasan has asked if the BN secretary-general Tengku Adnan Tengku Mansor is now admitting that there were Bangladeshi voters in Putrajaya due to his allegation this morning.

Tengku Adnan had made the allegation that it was Bersih who ferried Bangladeshis into Putrajaya to vote during the May 5 election.

“Is he admitting that Bangladeshis were in Putrajaya? If that’s the case then it is a very serious allegation,” she told Malaysiakini.
She said that as such, Tengku Adnan (right) should repeat his claim in front of the People’s Tribunal on GE13 that is currently going on until Sunday in Subang, organised by Bersih.

“He should come here and say it,” she said on the sidelines of the tribunal today.

She also said that Tengku Adnan’s claims that Bersih was responsible for foreign voters was “outrageous”.

“We are shocked at the allegation,” she said.

“I can’t believe there is not a single person from BN who has come forward and bothered to listen to the people’s grievances during the tribunal,” she added.

“Why didn’t he say (make the allegation) earlier?” she asked.