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Showing posts with label Ku Li. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Ku Li. Show all posts

Friday, 2 January 2015

Ku Li: M'sia off course, heading backwards

 
Malaysia may be heading into a new year but we have deviated from the path of progress, and instead has been set back several decades, said Gua Musang MP Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah.

In his new year message today said 2014 has been a “horrible year”, but the future does not look bright particularly because of worsening racial and religious politics.

“In comparison with our neighbours, we are some years behind some of them. As we enter the new year, we are reminded of how far we have deviated from the original path of economic, political and social development set by our founding fathers six decades ago.

“Some of the more serious developments, such as the increasing polarisation in race relations, the narrowing of perspectives on religion and religious practices long accepted, the many intractable and new imbalances and inequalities in our economy, and a politics that clouds the vision of a maturing democratic system, seem to have set everything back by a few decades,” said the veteran Umno leader in a somber message.

Listing the many disasters that the country faced last year, from the triple air disasters to the fatal landslides in Cameron Highlands, Tengku Razaleigh lamented, “It has been a sad and horrible 2014 for all Malaysians.”

“Little wonder Malaysia, long tiring of being bogged down by negativities, is overdue for some positive and lifting news in 2015,” he said.

'Reset the country'

However, he said, the country’s outlook was plagued by economic troubles, “whether these involve the negative impact of falling oil prices on government finances, or the rising cost of living and household indebtedness, or the profound social consequences of corruption, or inequalities in income and wealth…”

The remedies, he said, involved “reaffirming the federal constitution, reform of how politics is funded, and clean up of our electoral and party system”.

“To achieve a new deal for our nation and its people, we also need our systems of law and governance to be put right,” he said.

“With a determined leadership, I think these negative trends can and must be reversed,” he said, urging a “reset” the country and “unchaining the politics”.

2014, a year after BN’s poorest electoral showing in recent history, has seen a troubled year beginning with the bible raid in Selangor in January, an extended water crisis in Selangor and elsewhere, the shocking disappearance of MAS MH370 in March and the downing of MH17 less than six months later, among others.

The year came to a dark close with what has been called the worst flood in the country’s history, capped with the crash of AirAsia Indonesia's QZ8501 last Sunday, in what Tengku Razaleigh called “our annus horribilis”.

Sunday, 16 November 2014

Big budget for education but standards remain poor, says Ku Li

Tengku Razaleigh emphasised the importance of English in his speech at the Kolej Yayasan Saad in Malacca today. - The Malaysian Insider pic, November 15, 2014.Annual allocations by the government for the education sector increases yearly but the country's quality of education remains poor, said former cabinet minister and Umno veteran Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah.

Speaking at Kolej Yayasan Saad in Malacca today, the former finance minister said Malaysia has been spending more than its Asean neighbours on education as well as South Korea and Japan.

He said the country was placed at the 16th spot among 102 nations in government expenditure for education at all levels.

"Unfortunately, in terms of gross domestic product ratio, the big spending is not worth it, at least it does not show the results in terms of improvement in education quality," said Razaleigh in the text of his speech released to the media.

He cited the Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS), which found Malaysian students' score in Mathematics plunge from 520 in 1999 to 440 in 2011.

In science, Malaysian students also dropped from 510 in 2003 to 426 in 2011.

Similarly, the Programme for International Student Achievement (Pisa) found Malaysian students performing below average compared with countries in the same economic ranking.

Pisa ranked Malaysia at 39 with a mean score of 422 after assessing students in 2012 on creative problem-solving, while neighbouring Singapore came out tops with a mean score of 562.

The overall mean score for all countries was 500.

Razaleigh said there was a lack of emphasis in critical thinking in the country's education system, which is too exam-oriented.

"Rote learning will not improve students' thinking and problem solving skills which are crucial in the working world, and to be students who are thinking, disciplined and responsible.

"Teachers and parents should not glorify results such as scoring 13 As in PMR and SPM. This only encourages rote-learning which is mechanical and unable to open the students' mind," he added.

He also expressed worries over the rising unemployment rate among local graduates, which according to the World Bank, stood at 21% in 2013.

He said excluding Indonesia, the unemployment rate among young people in Malaysia was the highest in Asia.

"It doesn't matter if the situation is worse in Europe. We should not be happy about this situation. If there is an economic crisis which we expect in the near future, unemployment among youths is very worrying."

He urged Putrajaya to pay more attention to improving primary and secondary education especially on skills development, saying this was crucial if the country were to achieve high wage economy as opposed to high income economy.

He also underlined the importance of mastering the English language among college and university graduates, saying it was the world economy's "lingua franca".

He said mastering English has been emphasised since the Razak Report, a blueprint on the future Malayan education system released in 1956 and named after then education minister Tun Abdul Razak.

"What has happened that we now have problem with this medium of international communication?" he asked. – November 15, 2014.

- See more at: http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/big-budget-for-education-but-standards-remain-poor-says-ku-li#sthash.vWdlJZYH.dpuf

Friday, 31 October 2014

Will BN heed Ku Li’s warning?

UMNO’s own Ku Li warns of imminent economic collapse unless we do something drastic today.

By J. D. Lovrenciear - FMT

For quite a while Malaysians have been crying out over the uncontrolled, escalating cost of living. When opposition political parties joined the chorus or stood up to champion the rakyat’s misery, the government of the day slammed the politicians for misleading the rakyat and “politicising” the issue.

Now UMNO’s own veteran blue-chip Ku Li has voiced his concerns, warning of an imminent economic collapse if the government of the day continues recklessly with its economic and financial agendas.

The man in the street knows only too well that one cannot have a single decent meal for RM5.00 even at a stall operated by migrant workers. What more take a bus ride or train to and from work daily; put the kids through school and tuition classes; pay for their car and housing loans; re-pay PTPTN loans; and many more.

Amidst talk of a global stock market collapse and given Malaysia’s over-reliance on imported goods – including its staple rice, what will Malaysians do when the tides hit our dinner table?

We seem to be inundated with politically charged dog, cow-head, swine and ‘Allah’ issues. And to cap it all, we do not seem to see an end to sodomy cases either.

Can Malaysians continue to hoodwink ourselves any longer – especially those among us who still fight tooth and nail to keep BN at the helm?

If we side with the opposition’s clarion call for economic reform, we will be branded “ungrateful”. Now that BN’s own team player has sent out a chilling warning, what would we be branded if we joined Ku Li’s call for reform?

Let us talk basics then. What use is there to preach about creating a high income nation when the rakyat eats low income rice?

Just take the ‘imported’ and ‘AAA’ grade Thai fragrant rice sold in our supermarkets. The price is way beyond some local and ‘pre-mixed’ grades. Yet, even that imported rice is far below the premium quality rice that ordinary working-class people in Thailand, Cambodia and Myanmar eat.

Do Malaysians know this? They are eating inferior rice compared to their ‘poorer’ neighbouring countries!

Now there’s the RM25.1 billion in 2013 that was remitted by our imported foreign labor. It was only RM10.5 billion in 2009.

We are talking about only the registered foreign workers’ remittance. What about the 1 million or more illegal workers sending money out of Malaysia?

Not only are we reliant on imported food, we are happily letting our money leave the country in exchange for ‘minimum wage’ workers.

No, this must end and it should end sooner rather than later.

If opposition politicians cry out with concern, BN followers say it is politically motivated and that DAP, PAS and PKR are trying to topple the government.

When the rakyat keep crying out silently as they struggle under the yoke of increasing fuel and food costs, we are told not to be lazy and that we are spoilt from being spoon-fed.

Now that Ku Li himself is warning of a total economic collapse what have BN leaders to say? What have the pro-BN followers to say?

When and how can we, Malaysians save ourselves and this blessed nation from this madness?

Or must we now write off even Ku Li?

Friday, 17 October 2014

Ku Li: Barah Ali Baba racuni anak muda di bumi M'sia

Wednesday, 9 April 2014

Hudud: ‘Laksanalah kami sokong’, kata Ku Li

(Sinar Harian) – Ahli Parlimen Gua Musang, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah hari ini menyatakan bahawa beliau menyokong penuh usaha kerajaan negeri untuk melaksanakan hukum hudud di negeri itu.

Menurut Ku Li yang juga bekas menteri Kabinet, beliau percaya, Umno Kelantan juga menyokong penuh perkara itu kerana tidak membantah semasa pembentangan Rang Undang-Undang tersebut sebelum ini.

“Laksanalah kita sokong, saya tidak tentang.

“Masa Rang Undang-Undang itu dibentang di Dewan Undangan Negeri Kelantan, kita tidak tentang, tidak ada masalah, mana mungkin kita hendak tentang hukum ALLAH,” katanya ketika ditemui Sinar Harian Online di lobi Parlimen hari ini.

Terdahulu, Kerajaan Kelantan menetapkan sasaran untuk menguatkuasakan Enakmen Kanun Jenayah Syariah II (1993) yang membawa kepada perlaksanaan hukum hudud pada 2015.

Ia berikutan kesediaan kerajaan pusat untuk memberi laluan kepada penguatkuasaan enakmen tersebut, sebagaimana jawapan diberikan Menteri di Jabatan Perdana Menteri di Parlimen, baru-baru ini.

Friday, 24 January 2014

As rakyat struggle, elite live in lap of luxury, says Ku Li

Veteran Umno leader Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (pic) said today it was unacceptable that the majority of Malaysians struggled to survive in the current economic climate while the nation’s elite continued to indulge in a luxurious lifestyle.

In an apparent dig at Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak's frequent trips abroad, the former finance minister said the current capitalist system practised in Malaysia advocates a relationship between business and politics which then gives rise to corruption.

“What is unacceptable is the feeling that certain segments of the community are being hard done by the prevailing economic difficulties while a select few wallow in luxury as if there is no tomorrow,” he said.

"Financial pilferage as a result of corruption or political lobbying increases costs unnecessarily. In all likelihood, the costs will be borne by consumers.”

The Kelantan prince, affectionately known as Ku Li, said a strict implementation and management of Malaysia's economy under the Islamic system would eliminate this possibility.

"It is heartening and reassuring to note that Islamic economics and finance advocate efficiency, effectiveness, transparency, sharing and selflessness," Ku Li said.

He was speaking at a book launch organised by the International Institute of Advanced Islamic Studies (IAIS) and Malaysian Current Law Journal Sdn Bhd.

Also present at the launch was Prince Mohammed Al-Malek Feisal of Saudi Arabia, who is reportedly an ardent proponent of Syariah-compliant Islamic banking and finance system.

"The Islamic economic system is neither capitalistic nor socialistic in nature. It is a system which has been provided by the Quran," Ku Li said.

He said it was an ethical system which operated on the basis of shared risks and profits to the lender and borrower.

Pointing out the difference between the Islamic and conventional banking systems, Ku Li said the former chanelled wealth from the rich to the poor in the form of sadaqah and zakat.

"Under the conventional banking system, interest channels away wealth from the poor to the rich," he said.

"Islam views life as a compact whole and economics is one of its most important components. The Islamic economic system is balanced and everything has its place."

Ku Li said the system stood for simplicity, modesty, charity, mutual help and cooperation. It denounced miserliness, greed, extravagance and unnecessary wastage.

He cited the Pilgrims Management and Fund Board of Malaysia, or Tabung Haji, as an example of a successful system.

The brainchild of economist Royal Professor Ungku Aziz Ungku Abdul Hamid, Tabung Haji began with a total deposit of US$15,400 with an initial membership of 1,281 in 1963.

Last year, 8.2 million Tabung Haji members had deposits in excess of US$10 million (RM33 million). – January 23, 2014.

Monday, 23 December 2013

Ask yourselves why you’ve been left behind in wealth race, Ku Li tells Malays

 Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah advised Perkasa to take a good look at itself and ask why it is mocked. – The Malaysian Insider pic by Nazir Sufari, December 22, 2013. 
Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah advised Perkasa to take a good look at itself and ask why 
it is mocked. – The Malaysian Insider pic by Nazir Sufari, December 22, 2013.

Instead of wailing, lamenting and demanding more Bumiputera participation in the economy, Malays should take a good look at themselves and ask why they have been left behind, said veteran politician Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah.

Tengku Razaleigh, or known as Ku Li, noted that the number of Malays holding key positions in the corporate sector had decreased compared with previous years.

While Felda Global Ventures (FGV) has spread its wings to other countries and boosted trade, it did not involve many Malays.

"The halal product industry is sadly controlled and dominated by non-Malays. The most disappointing thing is that several Malays, who founded local businesses, are no longer the owners but workers of the companies," Ku Li said when opening the 4th Perkasa general assembly in Kuala Lumpur today.

"Let me make it clear, these developments are not related to racial issues or the special rights of Malays being ignored.

“The core of the issue is that Malays have lost their edge in an increasingly competitive business arena."

Malays can no longer blame others for monopolising economic wealth in Malaysia because they have been given numerous opportunities and aid.

It is time for them to equip themselves with the necessary knowledge to succeed in the business arena.

Ku Li said the Malays should be taught skills and knowledge so that they would learn how to be independent instead of constantly relying on the Government.

He said if Malays continued to be dependent on Putrajaya, they would be swallowed by globalisation.

Ku Li also said Perkasa should take a good look at itself and ask why it has been mocked and ignored by the Malay community whose rights the party professes to struggle for.

He said Perkasa was perceived by many as the cause of splits between the various ethnic communities in Malaysia.

He said this was a damaging view of the party as national unity was prized in Malaysia.

"Hopefully, this is not a common perception and only the view of a few extremists," he said.

He said when reports emerged that he would be officiating the Perkasa general assembly, many questions were raised.

He said he has typically been viewed as a veteran politician who was contemporary, liberal and open-minded, which was the opposite of Perkasa.

"The way in which we think is not a vital factor. What is more important is that every Perkasa member understands the rationale and reason for the formation of this Malay rights group and what it stands for.

"We must not act rashly based on our emotions, more so when we are angry. Our actions should be based on logic and common sense rather than irrational behaviour," Ku Li said.

He added that everything should be balanced and taken into consideration before acting. – December 22, 2013.

Ku Li minta subsidi dihapus berperingkat

Katanya monopoli syarikat mesti dihalang supaya harga barangan tidak dikawal oleh syarikat berkenaan.

PETALING JAYA: Bekas Menteri Kewangan, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah berkata, subsidi kepada rakyat perlu dihapuskan secara berperingkat.

Untuk itu, katanya monopoli syarikat mesti dihalang supaya harga barangan tidak dikawal oleh syarikat berkenaan.

“Tetapi kerajaan mesti memastikan barangan cukup dan sampai kepada pengguna,” katanya.

Sementara itu, beliau bimbang mengenai penglibatan orang Melayu dalam ekonomi.

Katanya, bilangan penjawat penting dalam sektor korporat menurun dengan sangat signifikan.

Beliau menambah, orang Melayu belum dapat menerajui Felda.

Menurutnya, industri produk halal yang besar juga difahamkan dikawal oleh bukan Melayu.

“Sangat mendukacitakan apabila pemilik asal beberapa syarikat orang Melayu yang sudah berjaya akhirnya menjadi pekerja kepada syarikat baru,” katanya ketika merasmikan persidangan tahunan Perkasa hari ini.

Menurut Tengku Razaleigh ia tiada kaitan dengan isu perkauman atau hak Melayu dinafikan tetapi merupakan tidak mampu bertahan dalam perniagaan.

`Tidak boleh salahkan orang lain’

“Orang Melayu tidak boleh menyalahkan orang lain kalau mereka masih tidak berjaya,“katanya.

Beliau juga berkata, untuk masa akan datang kesamarataan dalam penguasaan ekonomi merupakan kunci perpaduan kaum.

Katanya, hak dan keistimewaan orang Melayu harus difahami dan dipertahankan.

“Ianya tidak boleh diganggu gugat,” tambah beliau lagi.

Sementara itu, Tengku Razaleigh meminta ahli Perkasa menjaga disiplin.

Katanya, mereka mesti melihat isu dengan lebih mendalam berdasarkan hak dan bukan emosi.

Monday, 16 December 2013

Ku Li to open Perkasa meeting in the hope of turning right-wing Malay group around

Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah will open Perkasa's fourth annual general meeting next week. – The Malaysian Insider pic, December 15, 2013.
BY V. ANBALAGAN AND HASBULLAH AWANG CHIK

Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah's credentials as a statesman and a politician with enlightened views on
race are now on the line as he has reportedly accepted Perkasa's invitation to open its fourth annual general meeting next week.

While the Gua Musang MP has regularly met Perkasa president Datuk Ibrahim Ali as both are from Kelantan, they cannot be more different as chalk and cheese.

Tengku Razaleigh is urbane, sophisticated and cosmopolitan while Ibrahim has been known to be crude with a narrow racial view that has seen him jump from one party to another, earning the sobriquet of a “political frog”.

The Malaysian Insider understands that the former finance minister and Umno veteran, popularly known as Ku Li, has confirmed he would attend the meeting at Pusat Islam in Kuala Lumpur on December 22.

Those close to the Kelantan prince said he had weighed the pros and cons of associating with the right-wing Malay group before confirming his attendance at the assembly themed “Upholding the Constitution for the wellbeing of all”.

"He wants to engage the Perkasa leadership and persuade them to be more inclusive. He wants them to look at the bigger picture," a Ku Li confidante told The Malaysian Insider.

Tengku Razaleigh, who was tasked with setting up national oil firm Petronas, has been an advocate of market and economic liberalisation in the past decade unlike Ibrahim who believes that the Malays should have a greater control and share of the economy.

Ibrahim has articulated his views through Perkasa, which boasts a 500,000 membership mainly from Umno, which he found after 2008 elections when he stood on a PAS ticket.

He turned independent to support the ruling Barisan Nasional after Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi stepped down as prime minister.

His relationship with Ku Li goes back to the time when both were in the old Umno and the now defunct Semangat 46, which was once in power with PAS in the Kelantan government.

Both only returned to the Umno fold in 1996, where Ibrahim eventually became a deputy minister in the Prime Minister's Department in Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad's government.

Ku Li, who was also once trade minister, had been Dr Mahathir's political foe when he ran for the Umno presidency in 1987 which he lost by 44 votes. Ironically, Dr Mahathir is the Perkasa patron.

Last month, former Election Commission chairman Tan Sri Abdul Rashid Rahman announced that he had joined the Malay rights group.

Ibrahim told The Malaysian Insider that more well-known personalities would soon join the movement but he declined to name them.

“Perkasa is open to all... There are more people interested in joining Perkasa, including some big names. I will elaborate more on this during the AGM,” he said.

Other prominent members include former inspector-general of police Tan Sri Abdul Rahim Noor.

Perkasa grabbed the headlines on November 24, when Abdul Rashid announced he had joined the group six months ago to help the group achieve its goal of strengthening Malay-Muslim dominance.

He added that the three redelineation exercises undertaken while he was chief were done to keep Umno and in his view, Malay Muslims, in power. – December 15, 2013.

Monday, 25 November 2013

Buck up or left stranded, warns Ku Li

The Amanah president once again says the nation needs a new economic plan, failing which the nation will be overtaken by its neighbours.

PETALING JAYA: Former finance minister and Umno veteran Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah has once again stressed that the nation was in need of a new economic plan to ensure economic growth and equitable development.

Speaking at The Perak Academy in Ipoh on Saturday night, Tengku Razaleigh said the new economy plan must be one that guaranteed a stake for all segments of the Malaysian society.

“I would like to propose that we establish a stakeholder economy for Malaysia over the next decade; an economic system that will ensure an equitable sharing of the benefits of development for all stakeholders and for future generations, under the protection of the Federal Constitution,” said the Kelantan prince.

He had first mooted the idea of introducing a new economy plan while launching the Economic Roundtable sponsored by the Mahkota Foundation on Sept 26 where he had proposed a new plan, calling it the Amanah Plan.

Tengku Razaleigh, who is the president of Angkatan Amanah Merdeka (Amanah), last night once again revisited the proposals he had laid down under the Amanah Plan.

While detailing out the weaknesses in the Budget 2014 which was unveiled by Prime Minister and Finance Minister Najib Tun Razak on Oct 25, Tengku Razaleigh said the challenge going forward was the ability for the economy to create quality and high-paying jobs.

He said this must particularly catered for the new entrants into the labour force who are gaining higher post-secondary and tertiary qualifications; not the low paying jobs that are now being filled by foreign workers in the plantations, construction and assembly-based manufacturing.

He added that if the nation was to move to a higher level of development to achieve developed status, a different structure of value-added growth and greater productivity was required.

“Shifting to a service-oriented economy may be part of the answer to this economic restructuring, but we cannot abandon higher-valued manufacturing altogether while maintaining our industrial competitiveness by importing such foreign labour to keep our unit labour costs down.

“Longer term sustainability of economic growth requires enhancing the knowledge content of our manufacturing, and yes even in the service industry, which all require innovation, technology and new entrepreneurship.

“Only in this way will we be able to raise wages and salaries, through increasing productivity. Thus, this involves not just up-skilling of our labour force, but also the provision of correct incentives and institutions to support such value-added growth.

“I wonder whether the New Economic Model is sufficiently geared towards the above tasks,” he said.

Will be left stranded

The Gua Musang MP submitted that the national task would require new and bold ideas which must be implemented over the next five to 10 years with supporting institutional reforms to generate

maximum impact and to ensure success.

“Otherwise we are going to be left behind once again. I say this because South Korea, who in the 60’s was behind us, is now three times more in terms of per capita income. Our neighbours Vietnam, Philippines and Indonesia are now ahead on their reform path.

“If we do not take rapid and serious action, they may get ahead of us again,” he warned.

Tengku Razaleigh added that time was running short and that the expectations of the people who are demanding bold changes must be met.

“Leaders will have failed the mandate given to them if we are only toying with political slogans and creating myths about our development experience in the NEP and post-NEP years that do not hold up to the facts,” he said.

He added that the foundation of the nation was being threatened by political gamesmanship, empty promises and policy obfuscation.

“Only with this commitment to fundamental reform of our policies and the institutions that support them will we be able to restore the people’s trust in the government.

“Only with this resolve will we be able to offer our good people a secure feeling about Malaysia’s future,” he said.

Saturday, 23 November 2013

How Tengku Razaleigh saved the construction industry: Practicing the 10 Golden Political Principles

By Koon Yew Yin


The Perak Academy has invited Tengku Razaleigh to give a talk in Ipoh on the 23rd Nov. 2013 and he wishes to talk about ‘The economic reality in Malaysia today’. Many of you will remember that Tengku was here about a year ago to launch my book ‘Malaysia: A Road Map For Achieving Vision 2020’. Previous to this occasion, the Perak Academy also invited him and he talked about his 10 golden political principles on which I wrote and published an article.

Although I am not a politician, I have long been an admirer of Tengku Razaleigh. In the last two years I have tried to draw the attention of the public on several occasions to his stand in Malaysian politics which I believe contains values and principles that are superior to the manifestos and principles of other leading politicians in the country.

Key amongst what are Tengku’s “Ten Golden Political Principles” to ensure the survival and progress of the nation in the difficult years ahead is the need for all political parties to include in their constitutional objectives the equality of citizenship as provided for in the Federal Constitution. He has also emphasized that political parties must not propagate economic or political policies that discriminate against any citizen and called on all parties to include and uphold constitutional democracy and the separation of powers as a fundamental principle.

He has also insisted that it shall be the duty of all political parties to adhere to the objective of public service and to refrain from involvement in business, and to ensure the separation of business from political parties.

To my mind, this is the principle which is being transgressed all the time and which needs all political parties and politicians, especially from the Barisan Nasional side to observe it scrupulously.

It is with respect to this principle of selfless public service and the need for politicians and political parties – while helping the private sector thrive – to stand apart from it that I most remember Tengku, especially since I was privileged to witness him personally practice it

At that time more than 30 years ago Tengku Razaleigh was the Minister of Finance in the late 70′s and early 80s. I was already an established businessman having founded Mudajaya and IJM. I was also the Secretary General of the Malaysian Contractors Association as well as being a member of the Board of Engineers and a member of the SIRIM Committee that was responsible for drafting the Malaysian Standards for Cement and Concrete.

From my key position in the construction industry during that period, I had various meetings with Tengku on emergency issues and developments that affected this important component of the Malaysian economy.

Price fluctuation clause for building materials

Perhaps the most serious challenge to the construction industry occurred during the fuel oil crisis in the early 1980s when the prices of all building materials shot through the roof and contractors were caught in a jam. They all could not fulfill their obligations under the terms of their contracts. Many of the material prices went up more than 100%; for example the price of cement went up from RM 3.50 to Rm 8.50 per bag of 50 kg.

How could contractors complete the contracted work when their original bids were made on the basis of much cheaper priced materials? As a result of this crisis, all schools, hospital, highway and other public construction projects came to a standstill.

When I met the Tengku, I told him that existing construction contracts did not have a provision for material price adjustment. I also pointed out that if clients – such as the Government – were not obliged to reimburse contractors for any additional construction cost arising from the fuel price hike, contractors who could not afford to lose so much money to complete their contracts would simply walk away from the projects.

I told him that the only fair way was to introduce a price fluctuation clause in all the construction contracts. This would ensure that clients and employers were obliged to compensate contractors for the additional cost when the material price went up whilst reductions and adjustments to progress payments could be made when the material prices went down.

I remember vividly that as a result of our meeting, Tengku Razaleigh immediately instructed his top treasury officials to work out the details for the price fluctuation clause and for its immediate implementation.

Tengku’s Character

Not only did this reveal Tengku to be a man of decisive action but there was no hemming and hawing on how difficult it was to introduce the reform.

Neither was there any attempt to extract personal benefit or advantage from it for himself or his party as now appears to be the accepted practice in Malaysia when politicians deal with the construction industry.

Without the introduction of this critical escalation cost clause, I am sure that many contractors such as Yeoh Tiong Lay (presently of YTL fame) as well as I myself would have gone bankrupt.

As a result of Tengku’s decisive action in introducing the price fluctuation clause, our construction industry was able to survive the crisis period of the 1980s in relatively good shape. Since then, the construction industry has grown from strength to strength and has gone global, competing on competitive tenders in other countries including India and China.

I have no doubt that it was Ku Li’s understanding and practice of the economics of moral and material development during the late 70s and 80s that has provided the crucial ground work for the prosperity and affluence that we take for granted today.

The best tribute that we can pay to someone who has the longest record of selfless public service to the nation is to ensure that his Ten Golden Political Principles become the template for our future development.

Tuesday, 19 November 2013

Ku Li to retire after term of 13th Parliament ends

First elected to the Dewan Rakyat in 1974, longest-serving MP Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah says he will retire from the House after this parliamentary term ends.

The Gua Musang MP said he will by then be 81 years, and "it will be better to pack up", the New Straits Times reported.

This will be the same for his post as Gua Musang Umno division chief, a position he has held since 1962 (when the division was known as Hulu Kelantan).

tengku razaleigh ku li interview 190309 02However, in an exclusive interview with the daily, Tengku Razaleigh said retiring will not mean it will be the last the Malaysians hear from him, for he will continue to speak on other public platforms.

Among them is Angkatan Amanah Merdeka, a group launched in 2011 to push policy ideas in line with the thoughts of the nation's founding fathers.

This includes the National Stakeholders' Economic Action Plan - or the Amanah Plan - that was launched in September. Among its targets are the abolition of affirmative action that favours only one race, the Bumiputera Economic Empowerment.

Foreign investors, he claimed, were offering funds of up to US$30 billion (RM96 billion) under the Amanah Plan.

Commenting on the recent general election, which saw him doubling his winning majority, he said that BN was having a tough time as it has been "rejected" by urbanites.

"If the thinking people are not with you, it's very tough. You can't rely on the rural votes. Malaysia is 70 percent urban and this will increase over time. The young also voted against us," he said.

Similarly, Tengku Razaleigh said, the BN is not likely to regain his home state of Kelantan, which he had seen change hands from PAS to Umno in 1978 and then back to PAS in 1990.

Embittered by Umno's failure to keep promises


Going down memory lane in the interview, Razaleigh, who was an Umno vice-president at 37 and finance minister at 39, said the Semangat 46 experience left him bitter.

He had founded Semangat 46 following a split within Umno, where he lost by 46 votes in the 1987 conrest for deputy president, which he subsequently challenged.

This led to Umno being declared illegal in 1988, and re-registered as Umno Baru.

In 1996, Semangat 46 was disbanded and 200,000 application forms were submitted to the new Umno.

However, to this day, 36,000 of those applications were rejected despite a public guarantee made by Umno to accept all of them back into the fold.

"The guarantee was not kept... I felt very bitter. It appeared as if I was only thinking of myself and that I walked back into Umno and the others were left behind."

Friday, 27 September 2013

THE WOLF SHOULD LEAD THE PACK: PKR joins Ku Li's call to Najib to declare assets


THE WOLF SHOULD LEAD THE PACK: PKR joins Ku Li's call to Najib to declare assetsKUALA LUMPUR - PKR leaders joined the call by Umno veteran Tengku Razaleigh to Prime Minister Najib Razak to set an example and declare all his assets if he was serious about rooting out corruption, cronyism and nepotism.
"Well, the wolf should always lead his pack," Nurul Izzah, the MP for Lembah Pantai told Malaysia Chronicle."
"Bravo for the brave suggestion from Tengku Razaleigh. It is the obvious and logical step to take if Najib really wants to prove he does not possess the billions that he and Rosmah are said to have collected along the way. The stories that have gone round town about their wealth accumulation over the past 5 years are simply astounding. Najib should therefore seize this opportunity to clear his name and make the Cabinet do the same," MP for Wangsa Maju Tan Kee Kwong told Malaysia Chronicle.
No stronger signal but is it too late - has Najib reached the peak of corruption?

Nurul and Kee Kwong were echoed by their colleagues, Chua Jui Meng, the PKR vice president and Johor chief, and Tian Chua, the MP for Batu.
"No signal can be stronger coming from Najib, simply because he is the PM. So what he does counts. If he is dirty, then all the rest in Umno-BN will also be tainted. Why should they be good when the boss is not? So we hope that Najib will take up Ku Li's challenge and not bury his head in the sand especially when his children are now in the news with their business deals. Don't let people say that now the general election is over, he and Umno have gone back to their bad ways and it is business as usual, free-for-all corruption in the country," Jui Meng told Malaysia Chronicle.
"Since he talked big about a corruption-free society, which is a worthy ideal to pursue, then he must go all out to make it come true. He must start the ball rolling and show the way by declaring his own assets. That is the gauge of how serious and sincere he is in this issue. If he falters, then it shows he is publicly lying to the people. It means he has reached the highest level or the pinnacle of the corruption pyramid, where the decadence is not only money-based, but morally, ethically and principally," Tian Chua told Malaysia Chronicle.
Gua Musang MP Tengku Razaleigh or Ku Li had asked Najib to lead the way for all politicians, both past and present, to declare their assets, including those of trustees and nominees. Both men come from the Umno party, which has ruled Malaysia since 1957.
"Let's be honest; the pilfering and wastage of natural resources is intolerable. It is time to face reality, the rakyat are fed up of corruption, cronyism and nepotism."Ku Li was reported as saying at an economic roundtable organized by the Institute of Strategic and International Studies on Thursday.
"All ministers, including past prime ministers, must make a declaration of their assets along with those who have been named as trustees and nominees."
How the sons can suddenly become so rich
However, Najib is unlikely to live up to the challenge and is bound to gloss over it with some excuse or other, said his critics. They also pointed at previous instances where Najib had deliberately swept the issue of declaring assets under the carpet when asked by transparency groups and activists.
"This time, the call is coming from a senior member of his own Umno party. So this different, this is very 'spicy'. Najib can ignore but it will only add to the people's belief that he is not clean. Even his own party mates are doubtful and want him to prove he doesn't have billions salted away," said Tian.
Just days ago, the Malaysian stock market was lifted by news that Najib's son, Nazifuddin, had bought a 20% stake in a small paint manufacturer. This is ot the first time the ambitious Nazifuddin has waded into the Malaysian bourse, targeting the small stocks that are easy to move.
As in the past, Najib has refused to make any comment on his son's role in business and whether the 28-year-old millionaire had made his money on his own steam or had been 'guided' by cronies in exchange for a helping hand from dad Najib.
Another Umno stalwart whose son is also in the news over a lucrative deal is former premier Mahathir Mohamad, who son Mohkzani is reportedly in the midst of sewing up the takeover of oil and gas storage provider Petrol One Resources.
Many Malaysians remember how Mohkzani was merely an average entrepreneur in 1990s, yet in recent years he has mysteriously been able to propel himself into the Forbes list of the world's richest.  According to the magazine, Mokhzani is Malaysia’s 15th richest man with a fortune of US$980 million (RM3.2 billion).
Sharp pullback inevitable
It may be shocking but that's how the cookie has been crumbling in Malaysia, where corruption and racism are the two main killers of the economy.
However with little funds left in the national coffers to pump-prime the economy and as the United States prepares to raise interest rates, a sharp economic pullback is inevitable in Malaysia.
Ku Li also warned that to keep putting off reform would only make it easier for the Opposition to gain the upper hand at the next general election, which must be held latest by 2018.
In the recently-concluded 13th general election, Najib's Umno-BN coalition ceded a further 7 seats at the federal Parliament to Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim's Pakatan Rakyat. Umno-BN won only 133 out of the 222 seats that were up for grabs.
"There is nothing to prevent a change of government; there is massive unemployment involving fresh graduates and also high cost of living in the urban areas," said Ku Li.
Malaysia Chronicle

Malaysia and the non-fulfilment of two agreements with Sabah and Sarawak - Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah

It is my singular honour to have been invited to such an august gathering as this. I am privileged to have this opportunity to talk about the birth of Malaysia. Allow me, therefore, to record my gratitude and appreciation to our host, the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, for the invitation in the first instance.

The timing is apt, coming as it does eight days after the 50th anniversary of her founding. It is also relevant given that Malaysia is facing unprecedented political and economic challenges. These challenges are formidable and, if left unsolved, could cause damage to the economy and political integrity of Malaysia.

The legitimacy of the formation of Malaysia is based on the fact that at the time of her formation, Malaya was the only country that was independent and had a democratic constitution, with institutions supporting such a constitution, within this region.

Her economic foundation justifiably gave Malayans, at that time, a vision that we would one day be the shining example in South East Asia. It was with this perspective that Malaya, under the leadership of Tunku Abdul Rahman, took the initiative in helping to maintain stability in the region. This was at a time when British colonialism was forced by international opinion and in particular by Asia, to retreat as the colonial power without leaving a vacuum.

Malaysia was born, therefore, out of a historical necessity at that time. It bears reminding that this country still remains a stable political force in the region. The success or failure of Malaysia will not only affect Malaysia, but the entire Asean region. Therefore, a historical understanding of the birth of Malaysia is very important. Just as important is the legitimacy of Malaysia to the citizens of the country as well as to Sabah and Sarawak as part of Malaysia which is a political necessity to maintain the stability of the region.

Much has been written about the formation of Malaysia and, by and large, the writings have been consistent. But it is sad to note that there is a general ignorance of her founding among the younger Malaysians. The importance of remembering our past should never be made light; for it is the past that puts us where we are today. It is a pity that this ignorance exists; but in itself, it is harmless. However, the danger lies in the possibility of it being exploited for particular ends.

It is fair to say that an average middle-aged Sabah or Sarawak Malaysian does not seem to know about her formation, as is the average middle-aged peninsular Malaysian. But one thing is clear. There is resentment at and dissatisfaction with Sabah and Sarawak being treated as and equated to just another state of Malaysia. To be sure, there are other issues; but the two being equated to any of the 11 peninsular states is perhaps the most contentious. It had been simmering since the 1980s but it never surfaced, not as a formal articulation anyway. It is, nevertheless, a political wart that has the potential to come to a boil.

The advent of social media such as the Blog and Facebook has altered the scene. With such media reaching every nook and corner of the country, everyone is now acutely conscious of the angst of Sabah and Sarawak Malaysians over the issue. The anguish is magnified whenever 16th September comes around. We are then flooded with grouses of unfulfilled promises to Sabah and Sarawak relating to the formation of Malaysia. These grievances come from almost all sectors of our society, either in writings or speeches or other suchlike mode. People of religion would present their thoughts with a bias towards religious issues, and people of trade, from an economic perspective. Other issues that are often aired include education, human rights and politics.

It bears noting that this discontentment and whatever dissatisfaction expressed do not go beyond the superficial. The sad part is that not many would care to sieve through the events and development leading to the birth of Malaysia. It is my intent, this evening, to attempt this. But before that it might serve us well to note a few of these grouses.

Let me paraphrase the feeling of a particular Sabah academic. He pointed out that Sabahans and Sarawakians agreed to be part of Malaysia on the understanding that the interests of the states were safeguarded. These interests were enshrined in the 20/18-point Agreements, the London Agreements and the Inter-Governmental Reports. He pointed out further that the safeguards were not honoured and taken away at the whim and fancy of the Federal Government, and added in no uncertain terms that Sabah and Sarawak are equal partners to the Federation of Malaya in Malaysia and not two of her 13 states. A group of east Malaysian politicians and social activists went so far as to describe the transgressions as a looting of their riches.

A complaint from Sarawak took on a more symbolic strain. The formation of Malaysia was compared to a marriage with a prenuptial agreement, that is, the 18-point Agreement. The complainant described how the wife, Sarawak, was hurt by the lack of attention from the husband, Kuala Lumpur, but continued to be the dutiful and responsible wife.

In the recent past, a Sabah politician bluntly remarked that Sabah belongs to Sabahans and not to Malaysia as the Malaysia Agreement has yet to be implemented. He agitated for the review of its implementation while at the same time addressing the unhappiness of Sabahans and Sarawakians. He argued that Sabah has lost most of the 20 points after decisions affecting the state were made by Kuala Lumpur. Worse, he accused that Sabah was treated like a colony instead of an equal partner in Malaysia. A Sabah Bishop, speaking on Malaysia Day 2012, questioned whether the agreement to uphold freedom and other native rights and customs is being kept. He tellingly pointed out that it was the understanding and the compromise displayed during the negotiation that convinced the then North Borneo and Sarawak to jointly form Malaysia with the Federation of Malaya and Singapore.

An activist with the moniker anak jati Sabah (a genuine Sabahan), in venting his frustration, plainly and boldly pointed out that peninsular Malaysians have been wrong in referring to Sabah as having joined Malaysia. He argued that Malaysia had not always been in existence; that Sabah, together with Sarawak, Singapore and the Federation of Malaya had formed Malaysia. He contended that the 20-point Agreement and the Batu Sumpah — a monument of honour, as it were, that was erected in Keningau as a reminder of Sabah's support for Malaysia and the 20-point Agreement - were not honoured and had been discarded by Kuala Lumpur. His bitterness could be discerned from the following observation that has been attributed to him; that is, "the Batu Sumpah and the 20-point Agreement have been slowly and steadily violated and rubbished by Kuala Lumpur."

An equally strong sentiment had been echoed by a Sarawak professional who, in reflecting about Malaysia, had made it known that it is justifiable for Sarawak to opt out of Malaysia because of the perceived poor treatment of her by Kuala Lumpur through what he felt was the violation of the 18-point Agreement. However, he conceded that there are advantages of being in Malaysia.

These, then, are a sampling of the issues underpinning the listless and uneasy relationship between Sabah and Sarawak, and Kuala Lumpur. If we were to use the earlier Sarawak wife and Malayan husband analogy, it is not unbecoming to describe it as a relationship between strange bedfellows. These issues are critical when they viewed against the backdrop of the territorial realpolitik that is particular to Malaysia. They need to be redressed and the onus is greatest on those with the most political influence. Only in this way could the legacy of a vibrant and economically progressive Malaysia taking her rightful and dignified place on the world stage be meaningful to our children and grandchildren.

Ladies and gentlemen, I would suggest that we begin the process of reparation by looking at the gestation leading to the formation of Malaysia. I would suggest further that we approach this with an open mind, without any preconception. Let us analyse these grouses impartially. Let us not jump to any conclusion by saying that a point is no longer relevant or appropriate or significant. Let us view the issues in perspective and address them accordingly. And let us begin at the beginning.

In a speech on September 16, 1961, Tunku Abdul Rahman, the founding father of Malaysia, spoke of the decision to form the confederation. He pointed out that the formation was made with "much care and thought." There was "mutual consent" by "debate and discussion" and "inquiries and elections held over two and a half years". Tunku was proud that Malaysia was created "through friendly arguments and friendly compromise". He believed that the cooperation and concord that prevailed were driven by the desire to share a common destiny. Tunku and the other leaders must be cherished for Malaysia's successful formation. We also owe it to them to make good on the compromises as we realise the common destiny that the Tunku spoke of.

Earlier in May 1961, at the Delphi Hotel in Singapore, Tunku had mooted the idea of bringing together Malaya, Singapore, North Borneo, Sarawak and Brunei. His proposal was seen as a move to counter the communist influence in the region, to balance the racial composition and to expedite the economic development and independence of Singapore, North Borneo, Sarawak and Brunei. The suggestion was well received as it had struck a chord with the British decolonisation attitude of the day. There was, however, concern over the possibility of opposition by the local leaders of the three Borneo territories. This was confirmed when the Sarawak United People's Party, Partai Rakyat Brunei and the United National Kadazan Organisation formed a United Front to denounce the proposal as "totally unacceptable". Subsequently, the Sarawak National Party supported this position.

Opposition to the idea of a Malaysia was also strong from the people of the North Borneo interior.

To overcome this opposition, Tunku visited Sarawak and North Borneo in July and August 1961 to win over the sceptics. Fact finding visits by the Borneo leaders to Malaya eventually convinced them that Malaysia was a good idea. In addition, Sarawak leaders were sent to the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association Conference taking place in Singapore during the period. This afforded them the opportunity to discuss the concept further with their Malayan and Singapore counterparts.

A consensus was eventually established and this led to the formation of the Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee (MSCC). It explained the concept further to the people of Sarawak, North Borneo and Brunei and discussed issues relating to the formation of Malaysia. The MSCC prepared a memorandum that underscored the need to gauge and ascertain the opinion of the general population of North Borneo and Sarawak on the Malaysia concept. In early 1962, this was submitted to the Cobbold Commission that had been set up to determine whether the people of North Borneo supported the formation of Malaysia. Later that year, the Commission submitted its report to the Malayan and British governments. Among other things, the report recorded that 80% of the people of North Borneo and Sarawak supported the formation of Malaysia.

However, the Cobbold Commission reported that large sections of the population, especially in the interior, had no real appreciation of the Malaysia concept. But it recorded that about one third of the population favoured the idea strongly and wanted Malaysia to be formed as early as possible. This third was not too concerned about the terms and conditions. Another third asked for conditions and safeguards that varied in nature and extent, but was, in the main, favourable to the concept. The remaining third was divided into those who insisted upon independence before Malaysia and those who preferred to remain under the British.

The Commission also expressed the following caution which is taken verbatim from its report: "It is a necessary condition that from the outset Malaysia should be regarded by all concerned as an association of partners, combining in the common interests to create a new nation but retaining their own individualities. If any idea were to take root that Malaysia would involve a 'take-over' of the Borneo territories by the Federation of Malaya and the submersion of the individualities of North Borneo and Sarawak, Malaysia would not be generally acceptable and successful."

The safeguard demanded as a precondition to the formation of Malaysia was looked into by an Inter-Governmental Committee (IGC) set up upon the recommendation of the Cobbold Commission. At its first meeting in Jesselton on 30th August 1962, the IGC considered a memorandum calling for, among other things, the two territories having control over education and health for 10 years before reverting to the federal government. The memorandum was, with some modification, included into the Malaysia Act, the Federal Constitution and the relevant state constitutions. These safeguards have now come to be known as the 20-point Agreement for Sabah and the 18-point Agreement for Sarawak.

For the sake of clarity, I should spell out, in passing, the 20-point safeguards for Sabah. They are points relating to:

Religion
The national language and the use of English
The constitution to be a completely new document
Head of Federation
Name of Federation
Control over immigration by the state
Right of secession
Borneonisation
Position of British officers
Citizenship
Tariffs and finance
Special position of indigenous races
State Government
Transitional period
Education
Constitutional safeguards
Representation in the Federal Parliament
Name of Head of State
Name of State and
Land, forest and local government, etc.

The last two points regarding the name of the state and land, forest and local government, etc. are not in the safeguards for Sarawak.

These safeguards were to be reviewed 10 years after the coming into being of Malaysia, that is, after 16th September, 1973. Tun Razak, who was the then Prime Minister, set up a committee in that year under the chairmanship of his deputy, Tun Dr Ismail, to review the IGC agreements. However, the committee did not meet at all in that year because the Draft Bill of the Petroleum Development Act (PDA) was being drawn up at the time. The prevailing wisdom then was that priority be given to the acceptance of the PDA by Sabah and Sarawak. Upon the coming into force of the PDA, I was asked by Tun Razak to get the Chief Ministers and Menteris Besar of the relevant states to enter into agreements in accordance with the requirements of the PDA. As it turned out, Sabah and Sarawak put up formidable stands in making known their positions.

In any event, Tun Dr Ismail passed away in August 1973 and this was followed by the demise of Tun Razak in January 1976, giving the review a tragic twist with it being left on the backburner. I should like to emphasise here that the review not taking place despite Tun Razak's intention reflects the good faith of the federal government in the relationship with Sabah and Sarawak. However, this was overtaken by the development of events during that period that I have just described. Perhaps the review could be considered afresh as Malaysia celebrates her golden anniversary.

The story of Malaysia will be incomplete if I do not touch on the significant reactions by Indonesia and the Philippines to the idea of a Malaysia. Indonesia withdrew its initial support for the concept. The Philippines similarly objected to Malaysia's formation and announced its own claim on North Borneo. This led to another round of public opinion assessment, this time by the United Nations. Its report was made public on September 13, 1963. The UN confirmed that the people of North Borneo and Sarawak had freely expressed their wish for the formation of Malaysia. They were fully aware that this would bring about a change in their status. The report also noted that this was "expressed through informed democratic processes, impartially conducted and based on universal adult suffrage". The Malaysia Agreement had been signed earlier on July 9, 1963 at the Marlborough House in London, with her birth marked for August 31, 1963. In the event, Malaysia was proclaimed on September 16, 1963 to accommodate the UN report which was completed two days earlier.

I have tried to paint a comprehensive picture of how Malaysia came into being. Sadly, it does not quite match what was agreed upon originally. One could come up with any number of explanations for this, but I would respectfully submit that we do not go down this route. Let us muster enough courage to recognise and admit that we have a problem. To do so is to begin the process of its resolution.

That there was poor availability of information surrounding the formation of Malaysia in the public domain is most unfortunate. This has, in part, led to the breeding of animosity between Malaysians on both sides of the South China Sea. To be sure, this unfriendliness was not by design. Neither was it borne out of malice or prejudice. Certainly there was no ill intent. The oft repeated error that Sabah and Sarawak are but two Malaysian states is a case in point. It is an error that has Sabahans and Sarawakians blowing hot and cold under their proverbial collar. We must now right this misconception. For a start, there is a dire need for factual accuracy in the information on how Malaysia came to be. And it would help greatly if we could ensure that this critical part of our history is clearly spelt out in our school curriculum.

It should be pointed out, for instance, that 31st August is of no particular significance to Sabah and Sarawak, its grand celebration notwithstanding. It is but the date of Malaya's independence and it should be celebrated for just that. On the other hand, September 16 — the Malaysia Day — has a greater significance and is certainly a more important date in the annals of Malaysia. It must, therefore, be allowed to take its place as a major celebration in our national calendar of events.

I should also point out that the 20-point and 18-point Agreements have been incorporated into the Federal Constitution. Whether this is taken to mean that the two agreements no longer exist as once propounded by certain quarters is a conjecture that borders on the sensitive, given the emotive nature of the subject. In any case, the Batu Sumpah of Keningau will stand in perpetuity as a monument to the spirit of the 20-point Agreement.

This begs the question, what next? Where do we go from here? They are best answered by those in the political driving seat. It is, therefore, incumbent upon those in power to kick start the process. We have to, no, we must prove the cynics are off the mark when they say that the act of Sabah and Sarawak jointly forming Malaysia is but a transfer of political power from Britain to Malaya. We must prove the caution by the Cobbold Commission wrong. We must do this and reinforce and strengthen the building blocks of a united, prosperous and harmonious Malaysia.

A Malaysia such as this could provide the cornerstone for the growth and stability of our beloved land. By extension, such a growth and stability could offer a rippling effect to benefit this region which faces many uncertainties. A united, prosperous and harmonious Malaysia will, most certainly, garner international respect and admiration. Given the political uncertainty close to the Sabah shore, a calm and collected Malaysia, confident of her position in the international scheme of things, could well play a critical role in helping to resolve the complex and multifarious problems besieging the region. As an example, Malaysia could provide the calming voice in the effort to overcome the overlapping claims by various countries in the Spratlays as a result of the UN Law of the Sea Treaty recognising a 12-mile territorial sea limit and a 200-mile exclusive economic zone limit.

Ladies and gentlemen, it bears repeating the reminder that tensions and stress points among a people tend to increase in times of economic difficulty. Given that there are still large areas in Sabah and Sarawak, particularly in the interior, classified as poor with the standard of living nowhere near that of urban enclaves, it is not surprising if the animosity towards this side of Malaysia is felt strongly. It does not help that the greater Kelang Valley is seen as, rightly or wrongly, enjoying the level of wealth far ahead of the two eastern territories. Such situations as the recent increase of the pump price of petroleum worsen the situation as providers of goods and services pass such increases to the consumers. This would heighten further the financial difficulty suffered by the poor of Sabah and Sarawak. Therefore, the government should seriously think of ways to overcome such hardships as this. It is time that the government absorbed the continually increasing financial burden rather than allowing it to ultimately land on the shoulder of the people. If this is well handled, I am confident that we can begin to mitigate and work towards overcoming the negative perception towards Kuala Lumpur that seems to be playing in the collective mind of Sabahans and Sarawakians.

Ladies and gentlemen, thank you and good afternoon.

*Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah is the former finance minister of Malaysia. He delivered this speech at The Malaysian Branch of The Royal Asiatic Society Lecture in conjunction with the 50th anniversary of the formation of Malaysia on Wednesday, September 25, 2013, at the Royal Selangor Club Annexe in Bukit Kiara, Kuala Lumpur.


*This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of The Malaysian Insider.

Wednesday, 24 April 2013

Ku Li and the ‘third force’ intrigue

Sabah's Tuaran division PKR chief Ansari Abdullah's rantings on his Facebook have re-opened an old theory of an Umno conspiracy.

KOTA KINABALU: In the war of words between rebel Sabah PKR supreme council member Ansari Abdullah and former Barisan Nasional-Upko MP-turned-defector Wilfred Bumburing, the most intriguing reminder is that the latter is the deputy president of Angkatan Amanah Merdeka (Amanah).

Way back in 2011, Amanah was linked to the rise of a “third force” within Malaysian politics, vis-a-vis Umno.

Amanah was set up by Umno stalwart Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (Ku Li) in 2011.

Amidst a racially divided Malaysia, Razaleigh had called for Umno to return to the party’s original struggles as envisioned by Tunku Abdul Rahman.

Amanah was his platform to “unite” Malaysia by “reaffirming and reigniting a sense of togetherness and true family spirit that prevailed among Malaysians during our struggle for national indepedence”.

Razaleigh’s move to form Amanah further fuelled talks of him having identified independents who would then be fielded in the 13th general election. These would be candidates who were Umno at heart but who “disagreed” with the way the party had morphed under Dr Mahathir Mohamad.

Razaleigh, 75, an Umno stalwart and Gua Musang incumbent MP, had once led Semangat 46 after Umno was declared illegal in 1988 following a failed bid to wrest the party presidency from Mahathir. He returned to Umno and laid low until rumours started surfacing in late 2010.

There were all kinds of rumours floating about, including speculation that he had held secret talks with opposition leaders and was eyed as the replacement leader for Anwar Ibrahim in the event Pakatan Rakyat wrested Putrajaya.

There was no hard denials from PAS spiritual head Niz Aziz Nik Mat and PKR de facto leader Anwar. Anwar, when asked, had merely said that “he was not in the know” of such meetings.

If past reports and alliances are any measure, then Razaleigh is well accepted by Pakatan as an alternative leader.

In Sabah, he is a “hero” of sorts, having thrown light on the haunting “Double Six” air tragedy that killed Sabah chief minister Fuad Stephens and his ministers hours after they allegedly disagreed with the terms of the oil agreement on June 6, 1976.

61 ‘independents’

Ansari’s rantings on his Facebook on nomination day have brought the speculations back in focus. In his posting, Ansari demanded to know why Bumburing and men were allocated seats under the PKR banner when they were aligned to Umno’s Razaleigh, via Amanah.

Additionally interesting is the fact that a staggering 61 Umno members had filed their nomination papers on April 20 to contest in the general election as independents.

They are contesting in parliamentary and state seats across the country, raising the possibility that a “pseudo-third force” is available to partner any which side that wins.

In Sabah alone, just under 30 Umno members were sacked for allegedly sabotaging or undermining Umno-BN’s bid to retain Sabah. Sabah and Sarawak are crucial to Umno and BN in its battle to keep Putrajaya.

In the last election, the Musa Aman-led government swept all seats in Sabah, except for one state and one parliamentary seat. A similar feat in Sarawak saved Umno-BN which had lost five states in the 2008 election.

But that comfort is no longer available to Musa and BN chairman Najib Tun Razak.

Sabah, like the rest of the country, is a ticking time bomb that could blow in Umno’s face.

Political blogger MarGeeMar wrote in December last year that Mahathir and Najib were no fools.

He said there is every likelihood that Razaleigh is “in cahoots with Mahathir”.

“How else can you explain Ku Li’s recent statement that he would remain loyal to Umno and help ensure BN remains in power after the next 13th general election? They know the groundswell is tilted against the super corrupt, evil and racist Umno-led BN government.”

He claimed that to turn the tide against Anwar-led Pakatan, Mahathir and Najib had to conspire a plan strong enough to drive a wedge in Pakatan’s foundation.

And who better to use than Razaleigh, who is publicly acceptable.

“As long as the split is good enough for BN to win a simple majority to govern or remain in power, their [Mahathir's] first phase of their agenda is realised.”

It remains to be seen if these so-called independents, and candidates representing NGOs, especially in Sabah, are who they claim to be and represent.