MACC panel wants all elected reps to declare assets

The Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission's (MACC) Consultation and Corruption Prevention Panel has proposed that all elected representatives in Parliament and state assemblies should declare their assets to it every three years, "to ensure integrity in government administration".

"This will reinforce their commitment to the fight against corruption. By doing so, doubts about their assets during their term as elected representatives can be overcome," said committee chairperson Johan Jaafar (left) in a statement today.

At present, only members of the cabinet and Prime Minister Mohd Najib Abdul Razak's administration have declared their assets to the MACC.

BN candidates who contested in the 13th general election have also been subjected to MAC screening for graft.

Opposition candidates did not do so, but all exco members of Pakatan-held Selangor and Penang have declared their assets.

The panel believes that such a move will also protect the interests of the parties involved in the event of allegations about their positions and "wealth" during their tenure with the government.
Additional measures

As further measures to root out and prevent corruption, the panel also proposes:

- That family members of cabinet ministers, deputy ministers, menteris besar, chief ministers and state executive councillors be barred from bidding for government contracts with immediate effect; and

- That a cooling-off period be enforced before retired civil servants are allowed to take on corporate positions, to avoid undue abuse of influence and knowledge of inner government workings.

The measures are necessary, argued the panel, as corruption was one of the key issues raised during the general election campaign.

The panel believes that the Najib administration must take into account all views, criticism and allegations from various quarters and address the public perception that it is a corrupt government.

"Although a section of these views, criticism and allegations did not have a strong basis or were merely perceptions, they were used as grounds to allege that the government is not transparent, clean and does not have integrity."

The panel also lauded the appointment of Paul Low Seng Kuan, the president of Transparency International-Malaysia as Minister in the Prime Minister's Department, responsible for anti-corruption matters.

"We are always ready to cooperate with (him) to root out corruption to ensure good governance and integrity."

Pakistan: Calls for attacks on Christians emanate from Mosque loudspeakers

A Muslim political candidate suspected of murdering a Christian has instigated calls from mosque loudspeakers for attacks on Christians, whom he blames for his May 11 election loss.

Tensions were high in Punjab Province’s Okara district after provincial assembly seat candidate Mehr Abdul Sattar, sought by police in connection with a 2008 murder, on May 13 arranged for mosque calls for violence against Christian villages.

“Burn their homes to the ground … Punish them such that they forget Gojra and Joseph Colony,” blared village mosques in the district, according to Younas Iqbal, chairman of the Anjuman-e-Mazareen Punjab, a peasant movement fighting for land rights.

Iqbal told Morning Star News by phone that that when unofficial election results were announced on May 12, Sattar’s supporters ambushed a convoy of about 100 Christians on their way to congratulate his opponent on his victory.

“They destroyed two motorcycles and threw them in the canal, besides damaging a tractor,” Iqbal said. “We went to the Okara Saddar Police Station to register a case, but the police officials refused to move against Mehr.”

Recent religious furor has been easily stoked in Pakistan. In Lahore on March 9, about 3,000 Muslims attacked Christians in Joseph Colony, destroying 175 homes, after rumors spread of an alleged remark against Islam by a Christian. In Gojra in 2009, eight Christians were burned alive, 100 houses looted and 50 homes set ablaze after a blasphemy accusation.

Sattar has targeted Christians in several villages, designated by number-letter combinations from British colonial times, particularly village 8/4-L, for voting against him, Iqbal said. Christians largely voted for Mian Yawar Zaman, also a Muslim, for a provincial assembly seat in the general election on May 11.

Iqbal said that early on May 13, Sattar’s men prevented the Christian principal of the Government Primary School, Shamoun Masih, men from entering the institution.

“They told Shamoun that since the Christians had voted against Mehr, he wouldn’t be allowed inside,” he said. “They also roughed him up, but there were no serious injuries. In 3/4-L village, Amjad Masih was harassed.”

Iqbal added that Sattar’s supporters had also forcibly occupied land of some Christians.

“The threat of violence in 8/4-L is most serious because of the tiny Christian population there,” Iqbal said of the village of roughly 600 Christians. “Sensing the gravity of the situation, we immediately informed Zaman, the legislator-elect, who pressed the police to deploy personnel in the village.”

Okara Police Chief Rao Jabbar told Morning Star News that officers would take all necessary measures to protect the Christian peasants.

“We have taken notice of the inciting speeches made by Mehr Abdul Sattar, and I have assured the Christians that we will initiate legal action against him,” Jabbar said. “Meantime, I’ve directed all police officers concerned to remain vigilant and ensure that there is no damage to life and property of the Christians.”

Police have been helpless in the face of Sattar, though, Iqbal said.

“Even though the district police chief has promised to protect the area’s Christians, the danger will always remain there,” he said. “Several cases have been registered against Mehr, but no action has been taken against him. In January this year, the police tried to arrest Mehr and his men in a murder case, but his supporters blocked three main highways for several hours, forcing the police to abandon action against him.”

Police sought Sattar in connection with the murder of Javed Masih, a Christian who had opposed Sattar in a 2008 election.

“The late Javed Masih used to tell the peasants to vote according to their conscience and not get intimidated by gangsters like Mehr,” Iqbal said. “His efforts bore fruit, and Mehr lost the general election in 2008. Unfortunately, Masih had to sacrifice his life for the cause, while several others were injured in an armed attack by Mehr’s men.”

In this month’s election, Iqbal likewise told Christians to vote for the person they thought best. Zaman belongs to the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz, which has emerged as the single largest party in national and Punjab assemblies.

“The humiliating defeat further stoked anger in Mehr, and he’s now bent upon punishing us,” he said, adding that Sattar has targeted no Muslims for opposing him.

“Our application against Mehr Abdul Sattar is still pending with the police, but it seems more Christian blood will be shed before he is brought to justice,” Iqbal said. “But this will not deter us from using our right to vote. We refuse to give in to the tyranny of criminals like Mehr.”

Besides village 8/4-L, the threatened Christian areas in provincial constituency PP-191 are village 10/4-L, with an estimated Christian population of 3,000; 11/4-L, where 2,000 Christians live; and 26/4-L, in which around 1,000 Christians are settled.

The peasant land movement that became the issue of contention for Sattar arose more than 10 years ago in response to what Iqbal calls the Pakistan Army’s illegal occupation of 64,000 acres in some 10 districts of Punjab. Catholic Capuchins had relocated Christians to the area of central Punjab Province to provide dairy products to the British Army during World War II, and the British turned the land over to the Pakistan Army when the sub-continent was partitioned, Iqbal said.

“At the time of partition of the sub-continent, the Christians were not given the land rights which were promised to them by the Capuchin fathers,” he said. “Because of this, Christians are at the forefront of the peasants’ movement, which is facing the powerful Pakistan Army for their due right, as the Britons had handed over the lands to the Army after the partition.”

Sattar had initially worked with the peasant cause, he said.

“But then he began creating fissures in the movement, coaxing the Muslim members not to take directions from the Christian leadership,” Iqbal said. “He then left the movement and got involved in criminal activities, subsequently landing in politics. However, Mehr’s political career failed to take off because thousands of Christians of the area don’t vote for him.”

Waytha may change tactics but not cause

Since my arrival in Malaysia for a short summer assignment, I read many political articles and had many interesting political conversations with voters about Hindraf and P Waythamoorthy.

A fair share of them scorned at Hindraf's collaboration with the BN. Others disagreed with Waythamoorthy's acceptance of his appointment as a deputy minister in the Prime Minister's Department.

Some depicted him as a traitor or even worse, as someone who deserted his original ideals for position. Such disagreements and criticisms are understandable.

I have great respect for freedom of speech. Such bold opinions are definitely welcome especially with Pakatan Rakyat and Bersih in recent days seeking the right to free speech.

While I admire these individuals for their courage and am sure they speak out of care for the country, I must disagree with sophism.
The failure to understand Waythamoorthy's and the Hindraf's struggle resulted in specious arguments and nothing more than a series of allegations thrown at a noble individual.

Waythamoorthy's ideas are original, far ahead of our time. He is a sort of a maverick, with unconventional and nonconforming ideas.

Therefore it is difficult for some to understand the steps he took and the decisions he made. Some of the accusations against him were strongly influenced by ideology while others were loyalty-based.

Yes, Hindraf was at one time fiercely against the BN. That is the reason the organisation held numerous meetings with Pakatan with one goal, among others, to oust the BN.

The crucial question to answer here is why did Hindraf plot with Pakatan to oust the BN?
Hindraf had a single goal - to install a government that will instantly implement the Hindraf blueprint because BN had failed to do its share for the Indian community for more than 55 years.

Waythamoorthy had that one goal in mind - the improvement of the socio-economic status of ethnic Indians through implementation of the blueprint.

After numerous meetings however, Pakatan refused to sign the blueprint dumping Hindraf into a completely unexpected dilemma.

From the onset of it, Hindraf never promised that it would remain loyal to Pakatan under all circumstances.

Hindraf had always maintained that loyalty is issue-based, one that will be determined by mutual agreement and respect.
As a result of Pakatan's ditching of Hindraf, Hindraf was left with no other choice but to collaborate with those that Hindraf had previously condemned.

Again this is issue-based, the original goal of improving the shattered lives of ethnic Indians.
The BN, unlike Pakatan, was willing to sign the blueprint. Hindraf agreed, and reluctantly threw its support behind the BN. Why didn't Hindraf push for seats with the BN?

Again it is because the organisation adopted a wait-and-see attitude before forging a long-term alliance with the BN. If the issues stipulated in the blueprint are not fulfilled, I believe Hindraf will leave the BN.

I mentioned earlier that many allegations made against Hindraf and Waythamoorthy were influenced by ideology and loyalty.
For these accusers, bond and devotion to a party is sacred. They loved Hindraf when Hindraf was with Pakatan.

As soon as Hindraf made a 180-degree turn, they began to show disdain for Hindraf.

Others failed to appreciate Hindraf's unique ideology-free stand. Both ideology and loyalty are important but there things that are equally significant, such as issues.
Some political issues deal with life and death matters including the survival of a community.

In fact loyalty itself should be to the people we represent not the party. Pakatan promised to implement the blueprint but refused to sign it in writing.
What do you expect Hindraf to tell the hundreds of thousands of struggling ethnic Indians if Pakatan comes to power and not implement a verbal promise?

These people waited patiently since 2008 for PR's help with little delivered in states run by Pakatan.
Don't you see that it will be the greatest disservice to the community if Hindraf relied on a verbal promise for the next five years? Hindraf cannot take that chance.

Sleeping with the enemy therefore naturally became the better option. Try telling a starving person to wait another five years because a strategic error occurred.
Should any responsible organisation end up in such a predicament?

Waythamoorthy devoted the last seven years of his life for the Indian cause. Therefore the cause is supreme, not loyalty to a party or ideology. This man sacrificed his livelihood.

Additionally, he was prepared to sacrifice his life too as evidenced by his hunger strike that lasted three weeks.

The cause took precedence. He is the best available choice for heading the unit within the PM's department to solve ethnic Indian problems in Malaysia.

I cannot think of a more suitable candidate. Waythamoorthy's perseverance, resilience, and altruism earned him the right to spearhead and steer the government's renewed efforts to improve the Indian lot in this country.

For those who hold on to the false dogma that Waythamoorthy accepted the deputy minister post for selfish reasons, I can say one thing - he could have secured that a long time back if he wished.

If you are still unconvinced about the person, at least support what he stands for.

Let us leave bitter feelings behind and move on. There is so much he can do for you as minister rather than as Hindraf chair.

---

SUGUMAN NARAYANAN PhD is a political science professor at a university near Dallas, Texas, US.

PSM: Four simple tasks for Deputy Minister Waytha

Firstly, I would like to congratulate Hindraf's chairperson P Waythamoorthy who has been appointed as deputy minister in the Prime Minister's Department.

Let me get straight to business. We have been working with the plantation workers for decades and Hindraf has put the issue of plantation workers as one of their priorities in its blueprint which has been endorsed by Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak and BN.

I expect Waytha to immediately solve the following four issues in his capacity as the newly-crowned representative to solve the problem of the Indian poor.

1) Please make sure the Bukit Jalil estate workers get their four acres from the remaining 16 acres still around in Bukit Jalil. This should be relatively very easy as the land is currently owned by the government.

2) Please enact a law to protect plantation workers facing eviction so that they will get landed property houses once the estate goes for evictions. Najib's dad Abdul Razak started the plantation house ownership scheme in 1973 but it was hardly implemented by plantations simply because it is not a law.

3) Please convert all plantation schools to fully government-aided schools. Uthayakumar said this can be done by a stroke of pen. So now the onus is with Waytha to accomplish this very simple task.

4) Please implement monthly decent wages for plantation workers rather than the current daily rated and inconsistent wages today which depends on many non-productive methods such as price of commodity in world market, weather and other factors.
Again Sime Darby is the largest plantation in the county and it is owned by the government. So Waytha should not have problems in solving these issues.

These are not all the issues of the plantation workers but they are a good place to start.

---

S ARUTCHELVAN is Parti Socialis Malaysia secretary-general and founder member of the Plantation Workers Support Group.

NGOs seek justice over political aide’s murder

K Vasantha Kumar, who contested in Tapah, wants answers over the murder of his aide K Murugan.

KUALA LUMPUR: A group of NGOs have urged the police to expedite investigations into the murder of political aide K Murugan’s during the 13th general election.

Led by PKR’s candidate for the Tapah parliament seat, K Vasantha Kumar, the group handed over a memorandum addressed to Inspector-General of Police Khalid Abu Bakar.

Murugan, who was Vasantha Kumar’s aide, went missing on May 1. His remains were later discovered on May 5 in a pond in Bemban Industrial Park, Batu Gajah.

“His hands and legs were tied with wires and the post mortem revealed that Murugan had died of blunt force trauma to the head,” Vasantha Kumar told reporters.

“We believe that the murder was politically motivated as he was threatened by the supporters of MIC candidate M Saravanan,” he added.

Vasantha Kumar was accompanied by Murugan’s family lawyer M. Visvanathan and several other NGOs.

The memorandum demanded that the IGP form a special task force to investigate all political parties involved in the election campaign without fear and favour and to investigate the records in Murugan’s mobile phone.

According to Vasantha Kumar, Murugan was very helpful in organizing the election campaign in the rural and interior areas in Tapah.

Murugan had informed Vasantha Kumar that he had been receiving threatening calls from unknown persons, who warned him to stop campaigning or he would be killed.

“On May 1, Murugan arranged a ‘ceramah’ at his residential area in Bidor. After the talk, he was cleaning up the venue with his friends when he received a phone call. He left the venue and never returned.

“Murugan’s sister lodged a report with the Bidor police station when he failed to return home and was not reachable,” Vasantha Kumar explained.

Among the NGOs present this afternoon were Lawyers for Liberty, Suara Rakyat Malaysia (Suaram), Amnesty International Malaysia, MIPAS and many others.

Vasantha Kumar had lodged a total of six police reports throughout the campaign period on threats received by his assistants.

On April 28, a group of PKR campaigners were assaulted by B Kalaivanar, who heads a BN-friendly NGO.

“Kalaivanar and his supporters tried to attack me within the police station’s compound,” claims Vasantha Kumar.

“I was threatened that I would be ‘finished off’ and [the assailants said] ‘we just finished one case, do you want another one?’” he added.

Vasantha Kumar lost the Tapah parliamentary seat to Saravanan by 7,927 votes.

‘Don’t let Pakatan treat you like cows’

Tunku Aziz advises Malaysians against attending anti-BN rallies

PETALING JAYA: Former DAP leader Tunku Abdul Aziz Ibrahim today urged Malaysians to stay away from protests organised by Pakatan Rakyat.

“We as Malaysians should not participate in this sort of anarchism,” said the former party vice chairman in reference to rallies and demonstrations against alleged vote rigging by Barisan Nasional in the recent general election.

Speaking at a press conference here, he said Malaysians must accept BN’s victory.

“Pakatan could not win at the ballot box and now they want to resort to anarchism to topple the government,” he said. “I think that is unfair.”

“I want Malaysians to think very carefully. If not, we would be led by the nose like cows,” he added.

Tunku Aziz said he agreed with BN critics that it is guilty of corruption, but added that members of the public should not expose themselves to violence in hopes that things would change overnight.

“I am not saying there is no corruption within Umno and BN, but don’t keep blaming them for everything. Every institution has corruption.

“I’m not taking sides. I’ve been a government critic for a long time now but we have to be fair. Pakatan also has to take into account the safety of Malaysians,” he added.

Referring to a recent warning by DAP chairman Karpal Singh, he said he was not afraid of being taken to court. Karpal had threatened to sue him over his attacks against the party.

“Since he is contemplating court action against me, he may wish to kill two birds with one stone by also dragging me to court over my many statements about the fraud involved in the CEC election,” he said in reference to last year’s election of DAP’s policy making body.

He denied rumours that he was going to reveal dark party secrets, saying he was not privy to “secret discussions and decisions made in the innermost sanctum of the party,” he said.

“However, allowing for my ancient Hindu connection, I do not consider DAP a sacred cow. I will expose your party if it poses a threat to national security, peace and public order,” he added.

Malaysia: An Irreconcilable Divide?

Anwar: We'll get you next time

The outlook isn't that good, an academic says
Never before have Malaysians ventured into such unchartered waters. The outcome of the May 5 general elections has revealed just how split and intensely divided the electorate in the country currently is, and it has set in motion a political and social scenario that is tantamount to having to confront new realities in this nation of some 27 million people.

The fact that the two main political coalitions Barisan Nasional (BN) and Pakatan Rakyat (PR) - spearheaded by Najib Abdul Razak for the former and Anwar Ibrahim for the latter - were tangled in an intense campaign leading up to the elections was emblematic of the fact that Malaysians found themselves divided between two distinctly divergent paths. Recognizing the lack of widespread enthusiasm for the several BN aligned parties, campaign strategists for BN made a distinct choice during the campaign to play up Najib's relatively favorable public rating as a way to galvanize support. By contrast, Anwar's popularity and his dynamic public presence set the stage for the campaign to be one about a popularity contest between Najib and Anwar.

Yet, it was apparent from early on in the buildup to the elections, and since then, that the Malaysian divide is much more than one about two prominent political figures, it is indeed substantive and deep. The fact that Najib had to stem the political bleeding for the ruling coalition that first became most transparent after the 2008 general elections seemed obvious enough. The loss of their two-thirds control of parliament and several key states including Selangor, Penang and Kedah in 2008 was a significant enough blow to BN's seemingly invincible political machinery. Indeed, one of the main goals of BN this time around was not just to reassert their domination in parliament, but also to recapture the aforementioned state governments from the PR coalitions.

Although BN managed to wrest Kedah from PR's control, the much coveted states of Selangor and Penang once again remained out of the former's grasp. Indeed, as is well-known by now, aside from suffering greater losses in these two significant states, Najib's coalition ceded more ground to the opposition since 2008 as its majority in parliament dropped from 140 to 133 seats while it also lost the popular vote (52 to 48 percent). Yet, having garnered enough seats in a gerrymandered, first-past-the post electoral system, BN has managed to continue its historic streak of uninterrupted control of the federal government.

Most of the postmortems of this highly contentious and charged election have revealed some consistent findings. Of all the kernels of facts about the elections, we know that along with rural voters, a higher proportion of females also leaned heavily towards BN. On the other hand, the younger voters (particularly in those in their 20s and early 30s), for a significant number of whom this would have been their first foray into the electoral rolls, and non-rural voters were more enthusiastic and energized about the opposition.

The significance of this mobilization of younger and more agitated voters is being played out in so-called 'Black 505' rallies in various parts of the country in the days since the elections. Notwithstanding the fact that these rallies are far from spontaneous and have come to represent PR's way of keeping the spotlight on their claims that BN's parliamentary wins are attributable to gross electoral fraud, the response of PR's supporters in coming out to these rallies is a telling barometer of the depth and intensity of the political divide.

Thus far, relatively large rallies - in the tens of thousands - not only in PR strongholds such as in Kuala Lumpur and Penang, but also in BN controlled states such as Johor and Negeri Sembilan - suggest that the opposition remains focused and agitated about making sure the issue of electoral fraud does not become a mere footnote.

While these rallies seem unlikely to result in any kind of process that might lead to a reconsideration of the validity of the results in various constituencies as singled out by PR for suspicious voting patterns and tainted ballots, let alone a reversal of the overall outcome as it currently stands, the rallies continue to symbolically undermine the BN government's legitimacy. Just as critically, they reinforce the fact that the line demarcating the political divide between the two sides of the political divide has never been more tangible and profound.

This divide, one that has become progressively crystallized over the past decade, is likely to only get more intense. On one level, a much emboldened and empowered opposition means there is going to be even closer scrutiny of Najib's policies. While the PR-sponsored rallies have thus far been a potent means by which Anwar has kept the heat on Najib and the Barisan, they obviously cannot go on indefinitely. When Anwar and his allies eventually go back to the mundane grind of the more routine political tussles, that will be when we will learn how effective the opposition can be in further extending the credibility gap problem for Najib's government.

Such a charged political climate will also most certainly ensure that Najib's allies from the far-right of his UMNO party will not take too kindly to this scrutiny and political assault from the opposition.

Indeed, some of the more overt political confrontations and forays between the pro-Najib Malay ultra-nationalists such as Perkasa and the opposition since 2008 are likely to serve as precursors to what lies ahead as far as political theater is concerned.

If Najib's past record is any indication, we're unlikely to see him rein in the ultra-nationalist who have been a loyal and dependable base for his party. Yet, it is arguable that Najib would be well-served to systematically move further to the center-left of his party and, by extension, regain some of the soft public support that abandoned his coalition this time around, since the far-right wing really has no alternative but to stick with Najib's UMNO party.

However, don't expect Najib to make any bold and consistent moves toward the center-left until after the next round of UMNO's general assembly, where he will first no doubt need to secure his own standing and credibility within the party. That said, there is nonetheless a compelling case to be made for him to seize the moment, so to speak, and address a number of the fundamental grievances of a large cross-section of the electorate that led them to abandon his coalition.

These issues are quite widely known: addressing the rampant racism and politicization of race, confronting and clamping down on the pervasiveness of corruption not least among those in high place in the government and making a concerted effort to stall and reverse the precipitous decline of public confidence in public institutions, such as law enforcement and the judiciary.

The fact of the matter is the lack of public confidence in the government's willingness and ability to deliver on 'good governance' by instituting bold reforms has reached an ominously critical point and much of this public disappointment has translated into public cynicism, which PR has effectively exploited since 2008. However, if history is any indication, the odds are heavily stacked against UMNO or Najib pursuing fundamental reforms in the aforementioned areas.

As such, the stage seems set for what is likely to be a volatile and deeply divisive political theater for the foreseeable future.

(Sunil Kukreja is a professor of sociology and associate academic dean at the University of Puget Sound.)

Readout of the President's Call with Prime Minister Najib of Malaysia

President Obama called Prime Minister Najib on the evening of May 13 to congratulate him on his victory in parliamentary elections and to reaffirm the strong bonds of friendship between the United States and Malaysia. The President noted that Malaysians had turned out in record numbers to vote and welcomed the Prime Minister’s efforts to address concerns about election irregularities. The two leaders discussed the importance of continuing to deepen our bilateral cooperation, including on expanding cooperation on trade, regional security, and multilateral cooperation.

The de-racialisation of Barisan Nasional? — Yang Razali Kassim

MAY 20 — On the 44th anniversary of the May 13, 1969, racial riots that gave birth to it, the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) displayed signs of being in existential angst.

Though it won the 13th general election on May 5 by securing the most parliamentary seats, BN lost the popular vote and failed to wrest back its two-thirds parliamentary majority in the face of Pakatan Rakyat’s (PR) strong showing.

While BN was relieved to have been returned to power, the results were a body blow that sent it into deep introspection. A significant upshot has been a proposal to transform itself from the current model of a coalition of communal parties into a single, merged multi-racial entity.

Significantly, too, this idea came from no less than the secretary-general of Umno, the party that is the lynchpin of BN and the epitome of Malaysia’s communal politics. Given his key position, Datuk Tengku Adnan Mansor could well be reflecting an internal debate now spilling into the open.

Other Umno leaders who have begun to publicly float such “radical” views in the wake of the 2013 general election (GE13) are Datuk Nazri Aziz and Datuk Saifuddin Abdullah, both members of the Umno supreme council and the previous Cabinet. While Tengku Adnan and Nazri successfully defended their parliamentary seats, Saifuddin lost his despite being known for his reformist views.

Nazri started the ball rolling by calling for BN to ubah — the same clarion call for change which the opposition used so effectively during the hustings. He described BN as “outdated” and a political vehicle that does not resonate the younger voters.

His comments evoked a response from Tengku Adnan, who suggested the ruling coalition rebrand by merging its more than a dozen communal-oriented components. “BN could perhaps be made into a single party that is no longer race-based someday,” he was quoted as saying in The Malay Mail.

In fact, the idea of rebranding and renewing BN was first publicly mooted by the reform-minded former MP Saifuddin. On the day after his defeat, he said: “We are lucky to still be in government at the federal level.” To strengthen its position, he added, “we need to rebrand, there needs to be a new BN”.

These views are likely to provoke further debates in the public domain and corridors of power. Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak, in his usual style, will allow the discourse to proceed, to see where the wind blows, and eventually decide on what he should ultimately do. He is likely to frame this within his larger post-election template of national reconciliation.

END OF COMMUNAL POLITICS?

If this shift in thinking within BN holds and becomes new doctrine, it will usher in a substantive change in the country’s dominant political ideology; it will mark a move away from the communal politics that has been the hallmark of Malaysia’s political system.

This will reprise the spirit of the founding father of Umno, Datuk Onn Jaafar, who had advocated an Umno open to all communities, not just Malays. As his thinking proved too unpopular and ahead of its time, Onn Jaafar left Umno in 1951 and since then, the idea of multiracial parties has struggled to take hold. What came close was a power-sharing model embracing the major ethnic communities — the three-party Alliance, which expanded in 1973 to become BN.

Like the Alliance, the idea of BN was anchored in communal politics, but unlike it BN aspired to be a single non-communal party one day. In this sense, Tengku Adnan’s idea of a unified non-communal BN was not really a revelation; even so, it signals that that “one day” may have come. The difference is that such a transformation and its timing are being forced by circumstances, not by BN’s own choice.

A BN-PR ALLIANCE?

There is still much to be sorted out. For instance, will the deracialisation of politics, if it comes about, be just at the BN level, or will it permeate all the 13 communal parties that comprise BN? For instance, will Umno open its doors to all races and not just Malays and Bumiputeras, and thus revive Onn Jaafar’s radical proposal to transform itself from the United Malays National Organisation into the United Malaysians National Organisation? Similarly, will the Malaysian Chinese Association and the Malaysian Indian Congress cease to exist as we know them?

Besides these issues that have to be resolved within BN, there is another layer of existential questions surrounding PM Najib’s post-election proposal for national reconciliation. A transformed BN that is no longer a coalition but a single party would, in theory, make it difficult to expand to embrace the PR parties — should this be part of the strategic consideration.

But the early signs point to the PR parties rejecting any idea of joining BN. Let us say a scenario emerges in which BN exists as a single party and PR remains a three-party coalition: Will a new model then emerge in which BN and PR converge as a new and larger two-party alliance, in the name of national reconciliation?

These are obviously tough questions that are not likely to be attempted, much less resolved, in the near term.

But they have to be contemplated if the country’s leaders are serious about change and reconciliation. Malaysia, post-GE13, is clearly at a critical juncture. — Today

* Yang Razali Kassim is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University.

* This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of The Malaysian Insider.

Malaysia Committed To Enhance Quality Of Life Through Education - Muhyiddin

KUALA LUMPUR, May 21 (Bernama) -- Malaysia is committed to significantly enhance the quality of life of its people through various programmes and activities, especially in the education sector, currently undertaken in the country, as well as the region.

Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin said the collaboration between various parties, including UNESCO, towards quality education and life-long learning would bring about greater productivity and social mobility in parallel to propel Malaysia into a high income nation.

"The collaborative effort aim is to ensure that all Malaysians will have access to an affordable, relevant and a balanced education system that is also sustainable in the long term.

"We are currently addressing the social determinants of education to ensure it is holistic and in line with the National Education Philosophy, and in cognisant of Malaysia's diverse racial and cultural make-up.

"This will lead to the nurturing of future Malaysians who not only can compete in the local field, but also demonstrate exemplary leadership and competence on the global front," he said during a dinner in conjunction with the official visit by Unesco Director-General Irina Bokova in Kuala Lumpur, Tuesday night.

Muhyiddin, who is also education minister and president of the Malaysian National Commission for UNESCO, said the launch of the Malaysian-UNESCO Cooperation Programme (MUCP) Fund-in-Trust recently, was another proof and testimony that Malaysia would continue supporting UNESCO's programmes and activities.

The deputy prime minister said this effort and collaboration must be continued and go on for the benefit of all people, including the younger generation.

"With this in mind, as with any collaborative effort, there must be a spirit of contribution and compromise, and achieving a win-win situation by both parties.

"This is important to attain a common goal of nurturing the young ones in the best possible manner, who will after all, be our future generation," he noted.

Meanwhile, Bokova described this cooperation as deep and meaningful as it was focussing more on capacity building, science and education.

She said these highlighted Malaysia's experience and therefore, UNESCO was proud to work with the (Malaysian) government in this collaboration.

"Education is powerful. Malaysia has justified goals to become a more developing country.

"This is the strength of Malaysia towards Vision 2020. This vision draws on values embedded in Malaysian society.

"I thank the government for building peace in the minds of the people through education and various programme," she added.

This is Bokova's first official three-day visit to Malaysia, beginning on Tuesday, with numerous meetings and activities lined up.

Uthaya urges Pakatan to push for RCI on stateless Indians

Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) de facto leader P Uthayakumar has urged Pakatan Rakyat to table an emergency motion in Parliament to push for a royal commission of inquiry (RCI) to probe the issue of stateless Indians.

Uthayakumar, who lost his deposit while contesting as an Independent in the Kota Raja parliamentary seat as well as the Seri Andalas state seat in Selangor, said that he is now willing to assist Pakatan in tabling a motion to push for the RCI.

In a statement directed to Pakatan leaders today, Uthaya commended Pakatan for vowing to resolve the stateless Indians issue within 100 days should they come into power.

“We humbly urge your goodselves to file in the very first emergency motion in the new Parliament session seeking a royal commission of inquiry as your goodselves did for Sabah’s Project IC,” he said in his statement today.

“Lastly, we humbly pray that your goodselves do not brand Hindraf as being extremists for bringing up these chronic Indian poor concerns (to your attention),” Uthayakumar said.

PKR has claimed before that there are around 300,000 stateless Indians in the country, though the figures have been disputed by the federal government.

Uthayakumar’s brother P Waythamoorthy, the Malaysian Hindraf Association chairperson who was appointed as Deputy Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department recently, said that he, along with the government, would be able to solve the stateless issue within five years of the Hindraf blueprint implementation.

Waytha's appointment as deputy minister reflects govt commitment

KUALA LUMPUR -- The appointment of Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) chairman P.Waythamoorthy as a deputy minister reflects the commitment and seriousness of the government in continuing its efforts to uplift the Indian community.

For the first time, Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak has brought a representative from an Indian non-governmental organisation, into his cabinet to help bring positive change to the Indian community's socio-economic position.

Hindraf, which was once anti-government, had on April 18 signed a memorandum of understanding with Barisan Nasional, with six key points, aimed at bringing poor Indians into the country's mainstream development.

HELP University senior lecturer Dr K.Harikrishan said the government was looking seriously into the Indian community's dilemma, and hoped with the appointment of Waythamoorthy, it would ensure that all problems plaguing the community would be solved.  

He noted that the community, especially the younger generation, would like to see some permanent changes in stateless issues as well as job and business opportunities, which had been neglected.

"With this appointment, we hope that Waythamoorthy will keep to his word by bringing a new wave of hope to the Indian community. Today, the whole responsibility lies on his shoulder and MIC to ensure all promises are kept," he said.

The appointment though was criticised by several individuals, including Waythamoorthy's own brother, Uthayakumar, who claims to be Hindraf's leader, for accepting the cabinet post and called him a political opportunist.

However, Hindraf advisor N. Ganesan, lambasted the critics, saying that Najib needed individuals or organisations to deliver the transformation needed for the Indian community.

On Saturday, Waythamoorthy, who has been appointed deputy minister in the Prime Minister's Department, said he would focus on displaced estate workers, stateless people, education, and business and job opportunities for the community.

Assoc Prof Dr Sivamurugan Pandian of Universiti Sains Malaysia said Waythamoorthy had a big responsibility now to translate all that were listed in the blueprint into action.

"I believe those who swung back to BN will watch closely his plans and achievements. I think it is a duty of all the Indian elected representatives to focus on issues related to minorities, including the tasks given under the special unit to monitor Indian community-related policies," he said.

 The head of the Department of Indian Studies at Universiti Malaya, Prof Dr S. Kumaran hoped the selection of six representatives from the Indian community, would contribute successfully to taking the community to a higher level.

"The appointment of Waythamoorthy was unexpected. So, he should be wise to use this opportunity to show his dedication to develop the Indian community so that they continue to trust him as a pillar of leadership," he said.

Meanwhile, the appointment of the People's Progressive Party (PPP) Penang chairman Datuk Loga Bala Mohan as Deputy Federal Territories Minister is also expected to bring about improvements and positive changes to the lives of the Indian community, especially in the urban areas. -- BERNAMA