The Malaysian Insider
by Art Harun
by Art Harun
SEPT 18 —
Rumour has it that there are some politicians flying all over the
country to induce a mass party-hopping, whether before or after the next
general election. This calls into question the sanctity of the people’s
vote and choice at the election. And if we view this from a macro
viewpoint, it brings into sharp focus the mockery of democracy that this
act may result in.
The
exact motivation(s) of a voter in voting for a particular candidate
will be hard to ascertain. Whether the voter votes for the candidate as
an individual or for the party which the candidate represents will be a
source for further study. The fact that a voter actually crosses at the
column beside the party’s emblem to denote his or her support for that
party/candidate on the ballot paper may however provide an important,
though not definitive, clue to the question.
Be
that as it may, the end result of a vote for any candidate would be the
formation of the government by the political party whose candidates win
the most number of seats. That is the thrust of our — and, in fact,
every — democratic process.
It
follows that when a government can be changed by several elected
representatives frog-jumping from an elected government to the
opposition, the democratic process whereby our government is chosen and
formed would be rendered a mockery. In the same breath, when a new
government could be formed by an opposition, who has actually lost the
election, by virtue of the frog-jumping acts, the whole foundation and
premise of that new government is the betrayal of the people’s votes and
choice.
That would be a sad reflection of where we are, in terms of democratic process, in the 21st century.
Yet,
parliamentary defection is not peculiar to Malaysia. GC Malhotra, in
his book “Anti-Defection Law in India and the Commonwealth”, noted that
the defection is also known “by different nomenclatures — such as
“floor-crossing”, “carpet-crossing”, “party-hopping”, “dispute” and
“waka [canoe]-jumping.” In fact “crossing the floor”, according to the
Australian Parliamentary Library, 2005, sometimes refers merely to the
act of voting on an issue with the opposition rather than the act of
defecting to another party.
In
the book, Malhotra listed anti-defection laws, in varied forms, enacted
by India in 1973, 1985 and 2003. The 2003 law provides that a person
can be disqualified from serving in Parliament for “voluntarily giving
up the membership of his original party” (2005: 965). Furthermore, the
Indian law permits parliamentary expulsion simply for voting (or
abstaining from voting) “in the House contrary to any direction issued
by the political party to which he belongs.”
Kenneth
Janda, in his paper, “Laws Against Party Switching, Defecting or Floor
Crossing in National Parliaments” (Northwestern University, August
2009), observes that at least eight countries see defection as a serious
mischief necessitating anti-defection rules in their respective
constitution. These are Belize, Namibia, Nepal, Nigeria, Seychelles,
Sierra Leone and Zimbabwe. Closer to home, even Singapore sees it fit to
provide in its constitution a provision which reads:
Article 46 Tenure of Office of Members
(1)
Every Member of Parliament shall cease to be a Member at the next
dissolution of Parliament after he has been elected or appointed, or
previously thereto if his seat becomes vacant, under the provisions of
this Constitution.
(2) The seat of a Member of Parliament shall become vacant;
(b) if he ceases to be a member of, or is expelled or resigns from, the political party for which he stood in the election.
Janda
observed that as of 2009, there were at least 41 nations which have
anti-defection laws (as opposed to having a constitutional provision) in
one form or another. Perhaps, the best rationale for anti-defection
laws is best summarised by Scott W. Desposato, as quoted by Janda in his
paper:
“While
switching is relatively rare in most countries, it has been common in
many countries, including South Africa, Japan, Bolivia, Ecuador, Nepal,
Russia, the Philippines, France, Italy, and Brazil. Such behaviour is
usually dismissed as an indicator that ‘parties don’t matter’, but I
argue that party switching warrants study for at least three reasons.
First, frequent switching makes it clear that parties do matter —
otherwise politicians would not bother to switch. Second, and more
importantly, switching provides a unique window on politicians’
underlying preferences, including their incentives for belonging to
political parties … Finally, switching poses a normative problem for
representation in mass democracies. Parties are the primary mechanism
linking voters and politicians in modern mass democracies.”
I
could add another one to the reasons proffered by Desposato. And that
is the fact that switching party after an election, if not curbed, would
open the democratic process to disrepute. Elected representatives are
lured by opposing party with promises of economic gains, power or even
threatened with blackmail.
I
am of course mindful of a 1992 decision by our Supreme Court in Dewan
Undangan Negeri Kelantan & Another vs Nordin Salleh & Another
where an anti-hopping law introduced by the Kelantan government was
found to be repugnant to our constitutional right to freedom to
associate and thus, void for being unconstitutional.
I humbly opine that that decision, with respect, is wrong.
Anti-hopping
law in the terms as contained in the Singapore provision above does not
prohibit the elected representative from joining any party of his
choice. Rather, it states the result or consequence of that action,
namely, his seat is deemed to be vacated. The right to associate is
there. It is just that once he chooses another party, he vacates his
seat. Just as we would argue that we have the right to drive a car, the
mere fact that there is a provision that we may lose our licence if we
commit traffic offences too often does not mean that our right to drive
has been unconstitutionally taken away.
It
must also be pointed out that the Supreme Court case involved a state
law. I would propose that the anti-hopping law, if thought necessary, to
either be passed by Parliament as a federal law or to take shape in the
form of a constitutional provision, such as the Singapore provision.
Now, where is the two-third majority when we need it? — art-harun.blogspot.com
*
This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not
necessarily represent the views of The Malaysian Insider.
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