Non-government economists support these goals publicly but deplore them in private. Some challenge the reliability of the government's data. For example, a significant amount of publicly listed shares are held under nominee accounts, many of which are bumiputera-owned, but the government considers all of them non-bumiputera. Others decry the added cost of business the NEP policies place on private investors and the disincentive they pose to FDI.
THE CORRIDORS OF POWER
Raja Petra Kamarudin
SUBJECT: 9TH MALAYSIA PLAN: AMBITIOUS AGENDA AND CHALLENGING IMPLEMENTATION
REF: 2005 KUALA LUMPUR 03692
Classified By: Economic Counselor Colin Helmer. Reasons: 1.4 (b) and (d).
SUMMARY
1.
(C) Prime Minister Abdullah recently unveiled the Ninth Malaysia plan
(9MP) which envisages spending RM 220 ($60 billion) of government and
private development funds during 2006-2010 and targets an average
economic growth rate of 6.0%.
9MP
identifies five key areas, such as improving Malaysia's human capital,
becoming a knowledge-based economy, and investing in key infrastructure,
in which Malaysia must improve to achieve its goal of becoming a
developed industrialized nation by 2020.
Analysts
are confident that the infrastructure projects, projected rate of
economic growth, and some technology projects will unfold as planned,
but deem projects in other areas, such as education and agriculture, to
be unrealistic. While laudatory in their public comments, Malaysian economists we have spoken to in private are disappointed with the plan. They also question the GOM's ability to implement the reforms needed to attract a higher level of foreign direct investment.
9MP
calls for Malaysia's private sector to take the lead in further
developing the country, but our sources doubt Malaysian leaders will
give private industry the freedom to transform the economy. Prime
Minister Abdullah views 9MP as his top economic initiative, is aware of
the challenge of implementation and is taking steps aimed at improving
follow up. End Summary.
Five Key Thrusts
2.
(U) The 9MP lays out five broad goals that Malaysia is to meet by 2010
to keep on schedule for the "Vision 2020" goal of becoming an
industrialized, developed nation by the end of the next decade. The
economists with whom we met agree that these goals are well laid out,
pragmatic, and correctly describe the path Malaysia needs to travel.
They are: to
move the economy up the value chain; to raise the capacity for
knowledge and innovation and nurture a "First Class Mentality;" to
address persistent socio-economic inequalities constructively and
productively; to improve the standard and sustainability of quality of
life; and to strengthen institutional and implementation capacity.
Show Me the Money
3.
(U) The 9MP will provide about RM 220 billion (US$60 billion at RM
3.65=$1) of government and private development spending during
2006-2010. Approximately 40% of this is allocated to what
the GOM defines as economic programs, 40% to social programs, 12% to
security and 8% to general administration. Funding for the subsectors that follow will come from either the social or economic segments of 9MP.
Although
the 9MP budget is 17.6% higher than the previous plan, 35% of 9MP's
budget is earmarked for finishing up 8MP projects that were not
completed during the last five year plan.
4.
(SBU) About 23% of 9MP funding will be devoted to infrastructure and
utilities development projects, an increase of 21.2% over the 8MP. As
compared to Mahathir-era plans with their large infrastructure
projects, PM Abdullah chose to cut the pie into many small projects so
that more construction contractors might participate.
According
to Dr. Yeah Kim Leng, Managing Director and Chief Economist at RAM
Consultants Group, the GOM conducted cost/benefit analyses to identify
projects that would produce a higher return on investment. This apparently was not done in the past.
5.
(U) Although human capital development has been one of Abdullah's
stated priorities, and despite media reports suggesting education was
one of the big winners in the plan, education and training will receive
only about 20% of the total budget. This is about the same as in the preceding 5-year plan (8MP) developed by Abdullah's predecessor, Mahathir Mohamad. New
initiatives include strengthening the national (public) schools so that
they become the "School of Choice" for all races in Malaysia.
6.
(U) Agriculture, one of Abdullah's favored sectors, will receive about
6% of the funding -- a 70% boost over 8MP. However, 9MP sets a goal of
transforming Malaysia into a net food exporter by 2010, which outside
analysts believe is impossible given control over land use by the
individual states and the higher returns from land uses other than food
and livestock production. Biotechnology will get 1%, 2.5 times more than it received in 8MP.
Ambitious Growth Targets
7.
(U) In its last five-year plan, the GOM projected an average economic
growth rate of 8%, but the actual rate during 2000-2005 was about 4.5%. In
the background to the 9MP, government analysts place partial blame for
the shortfall on the U.S.: "Global growth slowed due to a decelerating
United States of America economy, and dampened electronics demand,
exacerbated by the attacks of September 11, 2001. Overall
economic performance remained sluggish until the second half of 2003,
weighed down by the invasion of Iraq and the regional outbreak of Severe
Acute Respiratory Syndrome."
8. (C) The government is targeting a more modest average annual growth rate of 6% during 9MP. The
economists that we interviewed (a mixture of academics, investment
advisors, consultants, and think tank researchers) voiced a variety of
opinions about that target, with Yeah of RAM asserting, "this is
eminently achievable."
Dr.
Mohamed Ariff of the Malaysia Institute of Economic Research presented a
study to the GOM where he argued for a 5-6% growth rate as opposed to
the 7-8% that many ministers supported. He maintains that it is better to aim lower than to fail to meet the target. The chief economist at CIMB agrees that 6% is within Malaysia's grasp.
Wong
Chee Seng, chief economist at ECM Libra Securities, is much more
negative, saying "The government will not meet its targets. It moves too slow." University
Malaya professor Andrew Sheng (formerly chairman of the Hong Kong
Securities Commission and Bank Negara Assistant Governor) disagrees. Looking
at regional growth estimates from the International Monetary Fund, he
wonders why the GOM did not set the growth bar higher. He believes that Malaysia should link its growth to China and India by exploiting complementary business opportunities.
Seeking Private Help
9. (C) The 9MP calls for the private sector to lead growth, aided by the public sector in its role as facilitator and regulator. Our
economic contacts agree with this idea, but observe that it will
require a significant increase in private investment, both domestic and
FDI. Under 9MP, the GOM projects private investment to
grow at an annual rate of 11.2% and public sector investment at 5% --
rates that are inconsistent with recent trends.
Under the 8MP, private investment actually contracted about 1% each year. Changing
this situation would require the GOM to give the private sector more
freedom from regulation and control than its socioeconomic objectives
for the bumiputera (ethnic Malay) community currently allow. For
example, the current requirement that 30% of equity and employment be
reserved for bumiputeras is a significant investment disincentive. As
Yeah put it, "Why would you want to do all the work of setting up a
business in Malaysia only to have to turn 30% of it over to someone
else?"
10. (SBU) One of PM Abdullah's signal
economic achievements has been to shrink the government's budget
deficit, now down to 3.8% of GDP. 9MP appears likely to slow further progress on deficit reduction. According
to Wong, Abdullah concluded that too many people depend on government
contracts to keep applying the screws to expenditures. At
the end of the 9MP, the overall federal government fiscal deficit is
forecast to be RM 107.6 billion, or 3.4% of GDP, assuming the government
can meet its growth targets. The majority of our contacts are not overly concerned with this change in fiscal stance.
Sheng
argues that it is reasonable for a developing country such as Malaysia
to pursue deficit spending on infrastructure projects that will generate
growth. The difficulty in the past, he says, has been large public projects that do not offer a good return on investment.
Ambitious Development Goals
11.
(U) Some examples of the sort of investment that University Malaya's
Sheng sees as positive are biotechnology research, ICT infrastructure
(such as high-speed internet and more training in schools), and
development spending on tourism. Sheng sees these as high-growth projects with the potential to leverage more investment and business for Malaysia in the future.
Pointing
to India and its back-office outsourcing, Sheng asks, "Why shouldn't
Malaysia be able to offer similar services at a competitive price? We
have the education, English language, and with this type of incremental
investment, we can do business with New York via the internet."
He
is similarly enthusiastic about the plan to promote the tourism sector,
which in 2005 drew 16.4 million tourists and generated RM 32.4 billion
(US$ 8.8 billion) -- 80% more than export earnings from palm oil, six
times more than rubber, and only 30% less than the oil and gas industry.
12. (C) Some of 9MP's ambitious goals are so lofty as to appear unachievable in five years. For
example, the plan calls for Malaysia to increase the percentage of
university professors with PhDs to 60% from the current level of 20%.
Time
and resource constraints, coupled with the fact that highly educated
workers can do better elsewhere, make achieving this goal unlikely. As Wong of ECM Libra noted bluntly, "I tell my children to stay in New Zealand. What opportunity does a Malaysian educated abroad have here?"
13. (C) Some of the agriculture goals seem equally unrealistic. For example, the government proposes to increase rice production by approximately 50% by 2010.
According
to Ministry of Agriculture Deputy Secretary General Zulkifli Idris, the
prime minister pushed for sharp production increases to benefit Malay
farmers in the politically sensitive northern states. Traditionally,
Malaysia has grown about two-thirds of the rice it consumes
domestically, importing the remainder from low-cost producers like
Thailand and Vietnam.
Although
the cheap imports allow the GOM to maintain low fixed retail prices for
urban and rural consumers, the government loses money on every ton of
rice produced domestically: it pays direct subsidies to farmers while
Bernas (the government-linked monopoly rice importer and the main
marketer of domestically produced rice) buys locally produced rice at a
higher price and sells it at low, government-fixed retail price.
Working-level
contacts indicate that the sharp rice production increase in 9MP is
unrealistic, and Zulkifli admitted as much in his statements.
Nonetheless, the planned investment in such areas as improved
irrigation, mechanization, and farmer organizations in the northern
states will likely have a political payoff for Abdullah.
NEP Rides Again
14.
(U) With the publication of the 9MP, Prime Minister Abdullah also went
firmly on record in support of maintaining the National Economic Policy
(NEP). The NEP was introduced in 1970 with the goal of
transferring at least 30% of Malaysia's equity and wealth to bumiputeras
through affirmative action policies favoring the Malay majority's
participation in the economy.
The
NEP was initially intended to have been completed in 1990, but when the
target was not met the government replaced the NEP with the National
Development Policy (NDP). With 9MP, Abdullah has pledged to continue these policies through 2020 with the hope of finally achieving the 30% goal.
15. (U) The 9MP will try to raise the bumiputera equity stake to 20-25% in 2010 from 18.9% in 2005. The
plan also seeks to narrow the income gap between bumiputeras and ethnic
Chinese from a ratio of 1:1.64 in 2004 to 1:1.50 in 2010, and between
bumiputeras and ethnic Indians from 1:1.27 in 2004 to 1:1.15 in 2010. It
also sets a target of halving the country's overall poverty rate from
5.7% in 2004 to 2.8% in 2010, and completely eliminating "hardcore
poverty" in 2010.
16. (C) Non-government economists support these goals publicly but deplore them in private. Some challenge the reliability of the government's data. For
example, a significant amount of publicly listed shares are held under
nominee accounts, many of which are bumiputera-owned, but the government
considers all of them non-bumiputera. Others decry the added cost of business the NEP policies place on private investors and the disincentive they pose to FDI.
Implementation - GOM versus Private Industry
17.
(U) Since the 9MP roll-out, the government has generated a steady media
buzz about the importance of effective implementation of the plan. Abdullah has publicly promised to fire any civil servants who get in the way. But the GOM and industry have different ideas of what constitutes good implementation.
The
GOM has announced that 9MP will feature better governance, world class
project management, increased due diligence, less corruption, and speedy
disbursement of funds.
In a
recent speech, Effendi Norwawi, Minister in the Prime Minister's
Department for Economic Planning and Abdullah's point man for the 9MP,
explained that the GOM wants to work in partnership with the private
sector. He emphasized Abdullah's personal commitment and
noted the creation of a new agency, the National Implementation Action
Body (NIAB) to monitor the performance of agencies implementing major
projects under the 9MP.
Abdullah
will head the organization, with Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak as
deputy chairman and ministers with specific 9MP authority sitting on the
council. It will meet every two weeks and, according to Effendi, Abdullah will be demanding progress reports.
18. (C) The prime minister's own office is set to receive a large allocation under the 9MP. Although
there is no detail as to how the funding will be spent, 9MP sets aside
RM 26.5 billion (13.2% of the total) for Abdullah's department - a
threefold increase over 8MP (RM 7.3 billion and 4.3%).
The
public spin on these figures is that the resources will enable the
prime minister to focus on his key goals and move the process along. In private, however, economists voice concern over the potential for abuse of funds.
19.
(C) When the private sector talks about good implementation, they hope
the GOM will remove the mass of government red tape and regulation that
increases costs and scares away investment, both local and foreign. Minister Effendi himself related a story about a hotel venture that required 73 different licenses before it could open. Some took so long to obtain that the operator needed to repeat the application process because they only lasted for a year.
Yeah
detailed a similar process in Penang, saying "at least at the
international level, there is MIDA to be one-stop shopping for the
licenses. A Malaysian investor must deal with both state and local regulations and the government needs to move to change this quickly." But few economists believe that the GOM will move decisively to cut red tape and reduce its economic meddling.
Sheng
compared Malaysia to China: "In Shanghai, they were trying to take some
business from Hong Kong and the manufacturer asked if they could move
his product from China to the distribution point, including customs, in
24 hours. Shanghai's mayor was able to make this happen. Would that be the case in Malaysia?"
Economists Not Overly Optimistic
20. (C) Comment: Successful
implementation of the 9MP is Abdullah's top economic priority, but the
economists we surveyed are not optimistic that he will be able to
achieveall his goals for the plan. While they see some
good initiatives, they do not see bold steps that would lift Malaysia
back up to the growth rates of the late 1980s.
There
is a sense of urgency in both the senior levels of the government and
among senior economists that Malaysia is at a crossroads. Wong
suggested that, "there are two camps in the government, the ones who
see that if we do not make changes that we will settle into second class
and the others who are happy with the way things are."
Sheng,
in a presentation to senior business leaders, government managers and
economists, argued that Malaysia was in a similar situation as the U.K.
and Japan in the early 1980s. The U.K. was not doing well and opted to open its financial sector to bring in FDI and investment. Japan, in contrast, tried to hold onto its manufacturing lead and did not open to foreign investment.
He suggested that Malaysia might want to examine how the two nations are faring today and consider its options. End Comment.
LAFLEUR
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