KUALA LUMPUR, Oct 11 — Going by the increasingly alarming comments from national leaders it appears the government is set to move against Hindraf, an unregistered, chaotic group that was founded two years ago in Seremban to defend temples from demolition by local authorities.
The government is currently weighing the type of action that can be taken against Hindraf, insiders said, adding the movement is now officially seen as extremist and a threat to national security and the personal security of national leaders.
Mostly likely Hindraf would be declared an illegal or extremist group like Al Arqam, which was banned in 1994. Hindraf leaders could also be prosecuted for various “offences” as there are numerous statues that can be thrown at them for alleged “illegal” activities.
The question, however, is should Hindraf be banned at all? And why now?
Is it because Hindraf, as a minority within a minority, is easily and safely used as a favourite whipping boy for Umno leaders as they battle for positions in the party elections?
Or is it because Hindraf has won over enough of the Tamil underclass and is growing in size and would eventually become an indispensable pillar of strength for the opposition Pakatan Rakyat?
The government cannot just ban Hindraf and declare it an extremist organisation simply because it gatecrashed a Hari Raya do or did not shake hands with national leaders or shouted "Abolish ISA!"
Whatever the reasons, banning Hindraf now is an unwise move, one that could potentially make the situation worst.
Hindraf is more of a movement than an organisation or a political party.
It has no symbol, no membership, no organisational chart and no ideology. It has no expressed agenda beyond helping Indians. It has no constitution nor an order of battle.
And yet it has made its presence felt in the country with its numerous demonstrations, candlelight vigils across the country and in gatecrashing Prime Minister Datuk Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's office and functions on numerous occasions.
No doubt Hindraf is emerging as the backbone of the newly resurgent opposition, giving it a new, critical mass and a radical "we dare to oppose" tinge.
Some quarters see Hindraf as a "growing menace" but it is really very Tamil and rooted in the emotional linkages and shared grievances that the Tamil underclass had suffered together.
In the light of this origin it should not be seen exclusively as "extremist" or "opposition" but as a movement of like-minded people trying to find a footing in a dynamically changing political landscape.
Most Hindraf supporters are from the Tamil underclass that forms about 60 per cent of the Indian community.
These are the children of labourers who were uprooted from rubber and oil palm estates in Peninsular Malaysia and moved to the urban centres as railway-line squatters but later transported into rumah panjangs and low-cost flats.
They had previously supported the MIC and later the IPF but have since given allegiance to the opposition political parties including and surprisingly even Pas that at one time they had feared.
It's surprising that Hindraf has survived this long and prospered even though the five main founding leaders who, after sparking the movement and leading people in a huge demonstration on Nov 25, were arrested and are now languishing under ISA detention in the Kamunting camp.
Another leader, P. Wythamurthy, is in self-imposed exile in London and trying to run the Hindraf by remote control from abroad using SMS text messages and tele-conferencing.
The reasons for the persistence of Hindraf — the emotional linkages and shared common grievances — are the very same reason that would enable it to survive any attempts at banning it.
The government cannot ban the strong emotional allegiance the Tamil underclass feels for the Hindraf 5 and for the movement, however chaotic and disorganised.
The best way for the authorities is to negotiate, co-opt and manage and address the core issues that gave birth to the Tamil underclass movement — poverty, marginalisation and lack of opportunities for upward mobility.
The very shape of Hindraf — chaotic, divided, indisciplined and without a clear line of authority — are reasons why Hindraf is not a threat.
The authorities must show understanding, knowledge, wisdom and patience in dealing with Hindraf and accept that the way to defeat any potential for extremism is to resolve and free the Tamil underclass from the tragic cycle of poverty and crime it is caught in.
Banning Hindraf would not erase the grievances; Hindraf would resurface in another name.
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