1Malaysia not “work in progress” but “work in regress” if Najib proves to be new Mr. Flip-Flop as PM overshadowing his predecessor Abdullah

By Lim Kit Siang,

The Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak yesterday defended his 1Malaysia concept, claiming that it had not failed but merely a “work in progress”.

He admitted that the concept could not become a “full realization” today but would do so eventually with the help of all segments of society.
Najib’s 1Malaysia concept is not “work in progress” but “work in regress”, especially if he proves to be a new Mr. Flip-Flop as Prime Minister, putting the former Prime Minister Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi to shame.

In back-pedalling from Umno’s recent decision to disentangle and distance itself from Perkasa as announced by Umno Secretary-General Datuk Sri Tengku Adnan Tengku Mansor only a week ago, Najib has exuded negative vibrations and sent out the negative message that he is not prepared to be the leader for all groups and component parties in Barisan Nasional let alone be the Prime Minister for all Malaysians.

Nobody is expecting the impossible of “a full realization today” of the 1Malaysia concept but it is disingenuous and even dishonest to claim that his 1Malaysia concept is “work in progress” when he himself lamented in his Malaysia Day message at the rising tide of extremism in his 18 months of premiership with unprecedented outpouring of the rhetoric of race and religion unseen in the first 18 months of all the first Prime Ministers of Malaysia – Tunku Abdul Rahman, Tun Razak, Tun Hussein, Tun Mahathir and Tun Abdullah!

And what has made this “rising tide of extremism” in the first 18 months of Najib’s premiership even more unhealthy and undesirable is that they emanate primarily from the ranks of Umno and allied or outsourced groups!

Five days before the August 31 Merdeka Day, Najib broke his long two-week silence to declare a “zero tolerance” policy towards racism and pledged immediate action against those found to have made racial slurs – but this has been followed by more than two weeks of inaction against two school principals who had made unacceptable racial and religious slurs against students in their schools!

This is not the stuff to inspire confidence in his political will and commitment to achieve the goal of 1Malaysia “to make Malaysia more vibrant, more productive and more competitive – and ultimately a greater nation: a nation where, it is hoped, every Malaysian perceives himself or herself as Malaysian first, and by race, religion, geographical region or socio-economic background second and where the principles of 1Malaysia are woven into the economic, political and social fabric of society”. (1Government Transformation Programme Roadmap: p11)

Najib has come out with a “patriotic litmus test” to determine the political attitudes of those aspiring to positions of authority, questioning a person on his or her priorities in achieving greater unity and harmony among Malaysians, viz:

• “One has to ask whether his actions would affect people of other races and religions.

• “Would you be promoting harmony and unity or inciting hatred towards your race?

• “Could your actions lead to better understanding among people of different races, or the contrary?”

If Najib put his Cabinet and the leadership of all the Barisan Nasional component parties to such a 1Malaysia litmus test for their words and deeds in the past 18 months, how many of them will pass?

Utusan Malaysia, the Umno mouthpiece, will not only fail these tests but will be among the most egregious offenders, breaching these three tests on a daily basis.
In fact, Utusan has reached a new low as illustrated by its irresponsible and contemptible attempt to racialise and politicise the heinous and gruesome mass murders of Datuk Sosilawati Lawiya and three others against the DAP when it has nothing to do whatsoever with DAP.

Utusan Malaysia is guilty of double lies against DAP as none of the suspect killers were DAP members let alone DAP life-members, but also because DAP had condemned the heinous and gruesome mass killings right from the beginning.

When news broke on Sept. 12 of the horrific mass murders of Datuk Sosilawati, DAP Secretary-General and Penang Chief Minister, Lim Guan Eng, who was in Shanghai tweeted his “shock”, condemned the quadruple murders as “ghastly” and extended condolences to the families of the victims of the “horrible tragedy” of the mass murders.

I was also in Shanghai for the World Expo. In my first press conference and public statement on my return from Shanghai, made in Kota Kinabalu on Sept. 15, I condemned in the strongest possible terms the heinous, gruesome crimes of the mass murders of Sosilawati.

Yet Utusan Malaysia could publish such garbage the next day on Sept. 16 to insinuate that the DAP is siding with the mass murderers and had been silent on the mass murders either because the “Datuk” killer is DAP member or DAP “fights for the rights of a certain race only”.

I have a video recording of my press conference in Kota Kinabalu on Sept. 15 condemning the mass murders of Datuk Sosiloawati and three others but I do not think the Utusan Malaysia editors would dare to ask to view them.

Coming back to Najib’s 1Malaysia test. Najib should do something simpler – ask his Deputy Prime Minister, Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin and all his Ministers at next Wednesday’s Cabinet meeting whether they are prepared to be Malaysians first and race second as a first step to show their support and loyalty to his 1Malaysia concept, and if not, to tell them that they have no place in his Cabinet and government if his 1Malaysia concept is not to be taken as an empty and meaningless slogan!

And we lived happily ever after

The Sun
by Maha Balakrishnan

RECENTLY, I asked five people to tell me the ending to The Little Mermaid by Hans Christian Andersen. These five people, all adults, and some of whom recall reading the book when they were children, were sure that the ending was a happy one, and that the prince falls in love and lives happily ever after with the mermaid princess.

Actually, the story did not end that way. The ending is not one that children have come to expect of fairy tales. At the end of the book, the mermaid princess does not get the prince and sail off into the sunset.

When Disney made the movie The Little Mermaid, they modified the story, creating clearly defined "bad guys" and "good guys" and a heroine who was unequivocally good, and choosing to have an ending that ascribed to the popular understanding of what is "happily ever after". It would certainly be an easier sell for the public – happily-ever-afters are so uncomplicated, while stories where the princess does not get the prince are much more difficult to explain to your child, because it would mean explaining about life, about different routes to happiness and about compromise.

The Disney movie is now accompanied by the Disney storybook carrying its version of the tale, and a lot of lucrative merchandise. The Disney version has now become the "true" story in most people’s minds. The original tale lies almost forgotten, even by those who had once known it.

And thus a pretty and simple story takes the place of a more complex tale in our collective memory.

The loss is ours. Hans Christian Andersen’s The Little Mermaid has the capacity to teach us about sacrifice, and about choosing goodness and what is morally and ethically right over personal desires, even over one’s own life.

It can teach us that there are not only two categories of people – good guys and bad guys; princesses and witches; "Us" and "Non-Us". Most of the time, there is just one category of people, who can alternate between "good" and "bad" according to the choices they make.

In the original tale, the mermaid princess is far from perfect, a little selfish and very nearly bad, before she redeems herself. And there is a second princess who is a heroine in her own right and who gets the prince in the end. Yes, two princesses, one prince. No clearly defined good guys and bad guys. No clearly defined person who is entitled to a happy ending and another who is not. There are just good deeds and sacrifice, a respect for the right to life, liberty and free will, and taking responsibility for your own actions.

Both the princesses played a role in saving the prince’s life. As much as you might want to hate the other princess, as much as you try to convince yourself that she is not entitled to a happily-ever-after with the prince, there is no clear deserving victor in that battle, and you come away with the realisation that it was never really about the prince. The original story has far more to teach us about real life and the pursuit of happiness than Disney’s pretty tale.

Recently, some people alleged that The Rakyat Guides booklets published by the MyConstitution Campaign were a "new constitution" or a means of drafting a new constitution.

Are The Rakyat Guides a "new constitution", or merely a summary of key provisions of the original constitution? Read The Rakyat Guides, read the constitution or any textbook on it, and you will have your answer.

What is more interesting, however, is how this allegation could have come about or gained any traction with the public. Is this due to a lack of knowledge of what the constitution says? More alarmingly, is it due to a complete misconception of what the constitution says?

Are some people under the impression that the constitution provides a happily-ever-after, and now have to discover that it in fact provides questions for discussion and debate as much as it does answers?

Have we, as a society or in different pockets of society, brought into being a myth of what the constitution says and does not say, until we do not recognise the actual document?

Do you know how much your understanding of the constitution matches reality?

When I read The Little Mermaid as a child, I came away with a sense that it was unfinished. Something needed to be added to it or taken away from it. But I realise now that it wasn’t the story that needed to be changed or corrected; it was my perception of what the story should be.

When you read the Federal Constitution you might find that it contains far more or less than you had thought it did. You might find that it contains something different from what you have been told or were given to understand by others. Is it time perhaps, to change – or correct – your perceptions?

And here’s something interesting I came across when I was writing this article: Hans Christian Andersen himself apparently changed the ending of The Little Mermaid from what he originally penned. Our constitution too, has been changed from what was originally drafted. What other lessons could we have learned from the original ending, and what prompted him to make those changes?

Equally, what could we learn from the original provisions that were in our constitution, and what prompted the changes that have been made to it?

Our constitution – what it was and what it is – has more to tell us about the truth of who we are than any fairy tale or political myth. Isn’t it time you learned the true story?

Maha Balakrishnan is the co-deputy chairperson of the Constitutional Law Committee (ConstiLC), Bar Council Malaysia (www.malaysianbar.org.my/constitutional_law_committee). The views expressed in this article are personal to the writer and may not necessarily represent the position of the Bar Council. The Rakyat Guides are available at the Bar Council and all offices of the State Bar Committees. You can also download the same at www.perlembagaanku.com

Far-right tests Swedish tolerance

The Sweden Democrats' leader has been protected by police as anti-racism activists have disturbed rallies [EPA]

As Swedes head to the polls on Sunday, there are concerns that a nationalist party could win representation in the country’s parliament for the first time. Several opinion polls suggest that the Sweden Democrats (SD), which says it opposes the "increasing Islamification" of Swedish society, will exceed the four per cent threshold needed to win seats.
Critics have tried several strategies to prevent the party from gaining ground. Established parties have tried to keep SD out of the political debate, while activists have disrupted rallies and vandalised campaign posters. Some party members have even been attacked. But attempts to prevent SD from getting its message out have been counterproductive, handing the party the chance to portray itself as is a victim of censorship.
After TV4 refused to air SD's campaign, the clip was viewed more than 600,000 times on YouTube. The video shows a dramatic race where a Swedish pensioner is being overtaken by Muslim women in burqas competing for welfare payments.
The party wants to cut asylum and immigration by relatives of people already living in Sweden by 90 per cent. It describes Muslim immigration as the "biggest foreign threat to Sweden since Second World War".

"SD says a multicultural society is doomed to fail and that those coming here have to adapt, unconditionally, in issues ranging from gender equality to food habits," Pontus Mattsson, a Swedish journalist who has been following the party closely, says.
'Tolerance increasing'
In the 2006 general elections, SD gained seats in 145 of 290 municipalities but fell 1.1 per cent short of being represented on the national level. Now it seems it could finally make the step up.
But while support for the party is steadily growing, surveys suggest that there has been no upswing of xenophobia in Sweden, a country known for its generous asylum policies. On the contrary, tolerance towards immigrants seems to have increased and Sweden keeps its position as the country most positive to multiplicity in the European Social Survey.

SD's campaign claims that the cost of immigration is having a negative impact on social services [Fatma Naib]

According to a survey conducted in 2009 by the SOM Institute, housed at the University of Gothenburg, 36 per cent of Swedes said there are "too many foreigners" in Sweden, a significant drop from the 52 per cent who held the same opinion in 1993.
Mattsson says better organisation and larger financial assets were likely explanations for SD's success in recent years.
"It's rather about the party wising up than about a shift in public opinion," he says.
"There has always been a minority larger than four per cent [the parliamentary threshold] that shares the Sweden Democrats' critical view of immigration. But this group has never before found a party considered worth voting for."
"SD is very much a protest party. It has managed to mobilise voters who think politicians are shying away from problems."
The smartly-dressed men leading SD today stand in stark contrast to the image the party had when it emerged from the neo-Nazi movement Keep Sweden Swedish in 1988.
SD has gone through a gradual make-over, trading bomber jackets and marching boots for sharp suits and ties. In the late 1990s, party leaders repeatedly urged members not to display Nazi symbols at rallies so as not to deter potential supporters.
'Voiceless opinion'
Andreas Johansson Heino, a political scientist at Gothenburg University, stresses that a certain degree of xenophobia has always existed in Sweden.
"There's a gap in opinion between voters and politicians, an opinion not given a voice," he says. "SD profits from being the only political party in Sweden criticising immigration."
He says a shift in SD's policy, from criticism of immigration in general terms to a focus on Islam, has been another contributing factor.

Immigration in Figures

14.3% of Sweden's population are born in another country   The biggest non-European immigrant groups 2000-2009 were Iraqis (82,000) and  Somalis (24,000)

"While tolerance towards immigrants has gone up in the last decades, there has been no positive trend in the attitude towards Islam."
A recent survey from Linnaeus University suggests that about 50 per cent of the Swedish population tend to dislike Islam. But only 19 per cent of respondents disagreed with the statement "immigrants should be able to practise their religion freely."
Andreas Malm, who has written a book about Islamophobia in Sweden, says the same anti-Muslim tendencies can be seen there as in many other countries in Europe. He blames this partly on the weakening of the labour movement and the political left.
"It's like a seesaw all over Europe. The weaker the left gets, the stronger the right becomes and with that also the extreme right. I think what made Sweden resistant for so long is that we have had a strong labour movement which exercised some kind of social gravitation[al] force and strived in a more solidary direction.
"Muslims have in recent years been singled out more and more as the enemies of Europe, partly of course because of terror acts. It also has to do with the Muslim minorities' position as marginalised in our segregated societies. They have poorer accommodation than others, inferior jobs. Since they have this peripheral position, they become a suitable target for different kinds of hate and dissatisfaction."
Iraqi supporters
Jimmie Akesson, SD's leader, has insisted that the party has a zero tolerance towards racism and accepts a multi-ethnic society where cultural assimilation is promoted.
To back up this argument, SD can point to some unexpected supporters - Iraqi Chaldeans. Some members of the conservative Christian minority have joined SD because it is the only party which opposes same-sex marriages. The party's anti-Muslim profile is also appealing to Chaldean voters.

"Islam is a violent paedophilia sect, if you follow the message of the Quran." Isak Nygren, SD county council candidate

In Sodertalje, the town which received more Iraqi refugees than all of the US and Canada together after the US-led invasion in 2003, SD has become the party with the biggest percentage of immigrants among its candidates in local polls.
But no matter how politically-correct party representatives at national level try to be, the well-polished rhetoric is not reflected among local candidates.
On web forums and in internal meetings, prominent local candidates have been talking about immigrants with "barbarism in the backbone,” characterised by their "aggressive genes" and describing Islam as a "violent paedophilia sect."
An investigation by the Expo Foundation, a private anti-racism research foundation, also found local SD candidates who were denying the Nazi Holocaust and signed emails with Nazi greetings.
In the early 1990s neo-Nazis and other racist groups staged large demonstrations in Stockholm and violent attacks were targeted at immigrants.
The extreme right-wing later lost strength and analysts say they do not expect a return to those dark days. In an apparent reaction to the violence, a strong anti-racism movement emerged and immigration became much of a taboo subject in the media and in political circles.
Sensitive issue
Those sensitivities were highlighted in the 2002 election campaign. When the Liberal Party, Folkpartiet, suggested a language test as a condition for citizenship. It was bombarded with allegations of racism with political rivals accusing it of flirting with far-right elements.
Before the election, the party had been close to the four per cent threshold. But in the polls, it reached 13.3 per cent, its best results in two decades.
Magnus Hagevi, an associate professor in political science at the Linnaeus University, said the language test proposal seemed to have been a strategic decision that paid off for the party.
"In Denmark, their fellow Liberals, Venstre, had been talking about playing the 'immigration card' to get those sympathisers of the Social Democrats who were critical of immigration to change bloc.

Under the leadership of Akesson, SD has worked hard to improved the image of the party [Reuters]

"Folkpartiet chose not to propose restricted immigration but to put in place a policy of demands regarding those coming, demands that they should learn the language and earn their own livings to a greater extent."
In this year's election campaign, no major moves have been made relating to immigration and integration, possibly out of strategy to shift attention away from the Sweden Democrats.
The ruling centre-right bloc is challenged in the polls by the opposition centre-left. Until recently, a tight race was expected and there were fears that the Sweden Democrats could get a "kingmaker" role in parliament.
However, recent polls have indicated the government has a steady lead.
Hagevi says the apparently big gap between the two blocs could actually boost SD.
"If the battle between the blocs was even, many of those who would consider voting for the Sweden Democrats would vote for one of the blocs instead. But in the situation we have now, with the centre-right in a clear lead, voters may think their votes are not so important in the battle between the blocs, and instead they vote for the Sweden Democrats."
Sweden has a long history of minority governments, and Hagevi says a situation where the Sweden Democrats actually gets real influence in parliament is unlikely.
"If they get into parliament but without getting any influence, and sit as a 'lame duck' for four years - that could be the worst-case scenario for the Sweden Democrats and they could disappear as a party."

- Al jazeera

Sorrowful tale of Bakun evictees

Grant all 523 Tamil schools land, make them permanent and part of the Malaysian culture, history and heritage. Why temporary and piecemeal solutions?

No.6, Jalan Abdullah, Off Jalan Bangsar, 59000 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia

Tel: 03-2282 5241 Fax: 03-2282 5245

Website: www.humanrightspartymalaysia.com Email: info@humanrightspartymalaysia.com

Your Reference :

In Reply :

Date : 17^th September 2010

Y.B Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin Minister of Education Malaysia,

Pejabat Menteri Pelajaran, Aras 10, Block E8,

Complex Kerajaan Parcal E, Fax : 03-8889 5846

62604 Putrajaya. E-Mail: khairulam@moe.gov.my

YAB Tan Sri Dato` Seri Abd Khalid Bin Ibrahim

Menteri Besar Selangor Pejabat Menteri Besar Selangor

Tingkat 21,
Bangunan Sultan Salahuddin Abdul Aziz Shah, Fax: 03-55190032
40503 Shah Alam . E-Mail: khalid@selangor.gov.my

YAB Lim Guan Eng Chief Miniter of Penang,

Pejabat Ketua Menteri Pulau Pinang, Fax : 04-7957 5718

Tingkat 28, KOMTAR 10503, Pulau Pinang. E-Mail : limguaneng@penang.gov.my

YAB Dato Seri Haji Azizan Bin Abdul Razak Menteri Besar Kedah

Aras 3, Wisma Darul Aman, 05503 Alor Setar, Fax : 04 – 7336192

Kedah Darul Aman Email: ustazizan@kedah.gov.my

Re: Grant all 523 Tamil schools land, make them permanent and part of the Malaysian culture, history and heritage. Why temporary and piecemeal solutions?

We refer to the above matter and are astonished to read of the two newsreports in one day of the Sabak Bernam Tamil school being rebuild after 40 years (MO 10/9/10 at page 24) and the mere land allocation for the Harvard Tamil school in Gurun after 20 years of struggle (MN 10/9/10 at page 18).

Why do Tamil schools have to individually struggle to be rebuilt from their cowshed like structures and to be in line with the national mainstream development of Malaysia Malay, Chinese, Orang Asli, Kadazan or Iban schools are built as of right. Why do the poor Indians in Malaysia have to struggle for their children’s basic primary school education? And why should the poor Indian parents be make to fork out money to build their children’s Tamil schools?

Article 12 of the Federal Constitution provides that there shall be no discrimination in providing education out of the funds of a Public Authority.

Section 28 of the United Nations (U.N) Convention on the Rights of the Child provides for compulsory and free primary school education for all children.

In fact it is an offence according to the Education Act not to send children to primary school and these parents can be jailed for up to six (6) months for not doing so.

These 110,000 students attend 523 Tamil schools. 371 of these primary schools are denied full government financial assistance even after 52 years of Independence. 289 of these are located in the plantations.

But why is the UMNO/BN federal government refusing to make all these 523 Tamil schools in Malaysia fully government financially aided schools? And the PKR, DAP and PAS state governments still refusing to grant land to all 98, 58 and 28 Tamil schools in Selangor, Kedah and Penang respectively.

70% (370) of 523 Tamil schools are not fully government aided. (NST 11/6/08 at page 24).

250 Tamil schools on estate land: Education Minister Hishamuddin (UM 25/7/08 pg 6).

About 1,400 (20%) (Tamil Nesan 16/6/08 pg 15) of the 7,800 Tamil school teachers are temporary and untrained teachers. (NST 30/6/08 pg 24) to teach the 150,000 tamil school pupils. (TN 16/6/08 pg 15).

Why can’t all these 523 Tamil schools all be granted government land all in one go and not in bits and pieces of a political “wayang kulit” Tamil school land here and there.

With land being granted to all these 523 Tamil schools all in one go these Tamil schools will become permanent structures in One Malaysia. It would follow that their history and heritage especially in recognition of the Indian plantation workers who helped build the foundation of what Malaysia has developed to become today. Why not? After all we are supposed to be One Malaysia?

Granting land to all these 523 Tamil schools will also ensure that they do not fall prey to supposed “development” and being pushed about here and there.

For example the Midlands Tamil school in Selangor has been told to move out for the fourth time now. The Lukut Tamil school in Port Dickson is the world’s only school upstairs a shophouse in Port Dickson is not condusive as young children need to play. The Assad Tamil school is the world’s only basement primary school and the Ladang Jeram Tamil school is the world’s only Tamil school fully housed in claustrophobic congested shipping containers. The Kulai Besar Tamil school having the world’s only classrooms in wedding tents and shipping cabins and the Rini Tamil school Johor being denied their 6.1 hectre land which is now being occupied by illegal immigrants. SRJK (T) Mukim Pundut not allowed to run their own kindergarten in a vacant building meant for the Chinese section of a vision school. (T.N 3/7/08). The Ladang Sungai Para Tamil school kindergarten and scores of others being in the world’s only cowshed like structure.

The Cheras Tamil school with 355 children is in a mere 0.2 hectre of land space and is being the world’s most cramped up primary school. The Tepi Sungai Tamil school having been the world’s only Tamil school housed in a Public Works Department storeroom and the list goes on and on.

This does not happen to any Malay, Chinese, Orang asli, Kadazan or Iban schools! Why does this only have to happen to Tamil schools in One Malay-sia?

We hereby call upon the UMNO/BN federal government and the PKR, DAP and PAS state governments to with allocate land to all these 523 Tamil schools immediately, make them all fully government aided schools, and make them permanent schools. Why should these 523 Tamil schools still be temporary structures after 53 years of Independence?

And to be made on par with any Malay, Chinese, Orang Asli, Iban and Kadazan schools which is the very basic necessity in any country except in UMNO/BN’s One Malay-sia and PKR, DAP and PAS’ multi-racial but bi-Malaysia.

These 523 Tamil schools are a part of One Malaysia’s culture, tradition, heritage and history. So why exclude and segregate them?

Thank You.

Yours Faithfully,

_________________

P.Uthayakumar

Secretary General (pro tem)

PM says Umno will not be in conflict with any NGO

Najib: However, it is clear that our approaches are by far very different from those of certain individuals and groups.

KUALA LUMPUR, Sept 17 — Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak appeared to falter today on Umno’s decision to distance itself from Perkasa, declaring instead that the ruling party did not want to be in conflict with any non-governmental organisation.

Najib said this in a press conference at the Securities Commission this evening after he was asked to explain his silence in the recent move by Umno leaders to snub the Malay rights group.

“No, we do not want to be in conflict with any NGO,” he firmly said.

Najib went further to play down Perkasa’s significance as a pressure group, pointing out that as far as Umno was concerned, Perkasa was just like any other NGO.

“It is just like any other NGO. We have so many NGOs. There are times we can agree, and there are times we cannot agree,” he said.

However, the Prime Minister took pains to stress that at the end of the day, it was Umno that was a part of the government.

“And what Umno says matters,” he said.

He declined to commen on his predecessor Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s note of caution to Umno that the party could not afford to snub Perkasa as it would likely face further electoral losses.

“No, I do not want to refer specifically to anyone,” he said, and ended the press conference.

In his speech however, Najib repeatedly stressed on the need to remain a moderate society and appeared to take a dig at Perkasa when he defended the government’s intention in redefining affirmative action.

“Since we achieved independence, our leaders and our people, have acted according to principles that are very important — the principles of moderation and balance or equilibrium — in administrating and managing the nation.

“These policies are what brings us to the middle path, and what ensures that the rights and privileges of all races are taken into consideration,” he said.

Najib noted that while the Federal Constitution protected the special position of the Malays and the Bumiputeras, it also protected the rights of other communities.

“However, it is clear that our approaches are by far very different from those of certain individuals and groups.

“For example, if we want to carry out affirmative action. We accept the objectives of it but what is wrong is we redefine affirmative action in the context of society today, in the landscape today, so that we be seen as fairer, more transparent and market-friendly.

“We accept the objective but we are looking at how to achieve that objective in a new and strategic environment,” he said.

“Some people have decided to take narrow-minded views and to be selfish in order to defend their rights.

“When someone is not sensitive to the needs and aspirations of others, the gap of differences that divide the communities would eventually become wider,” he said.

When questioned during the press conference later if he was referring to Perkasa however, Najib was quick to deny this.

“No, no, I am not talking about anyone, Why do you mention Perkasa? I am just talking about times have changed... we have not forgotten the objectives of affirmative action because we want a fair society, a balanced society but we have redefined the mechanics of getting there.

“We should be attuned to the changing times,” he said.

The Najib administration has been struggling in its bid to sell its economic reforms to a sceptical public, and this process continues to be made complicated by political curve balls thrown by Perkasa and former prime minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad.

Recently however, leaders aligned to Najib had begun the process of distancing the party from Perkasa because of the group’s controversial and strident views on economic reforms.

Using the Malay rights platform, Perkasa has been a major obstacle in the way of Najib’s economic reforms which he has assured would not be at the expense of Bumiputeras.

But Perkasa, backed by Dr Mahathir, is against any attempt to roll back the quotas associated with Malaysia’s affirmative action policies. - The Malaysian Insider

Dalbinder: Teng must go

The residents of KBP  manipulated by certain irresponsible parties by sweet talks. The residents claimed some personals played into the hands of the land robbers who want to failed the issue for their interest, KBP residents houses demolished and some residents are not compensate by the local DAP government. One of those who made the failure of KBP is Dalbinder in the video below.

No Tamil schools will be closed down, says Samy Vellu

KUALA LUMPUR: MIC president S Samy Vellu today assured the Indian community that the government will not close down any Tamil schools even if their enrolment is low.

“Not a single Tamil school will be closed. In fact, we (the MIC) will ensure that all existing Tamil schools are redeveloped,” he said in a statement here today.

Samy Vellu was commenting on a statement by the Malaysian Tamil Council managing director S Sivasubramaniam who was quoted as saying that about 100 partially-aided Tamil schools would likely be closed as they had low enrolment.

The MIC chief chided those who claimed that Tamil schools with very low enrolment faced closure.
“There are solutions to these problems, but we must work out reasonable solutions to resolve the problems faced by schools with low enrolment,” he said.

Samy Vellu said the MIC was aware that there were Tamil schools which only had two or three students, but stressed that the schools would not be shut.

He added that the Indian community and related organisations should work with the MIC to come up with workable solutions, which include relocating the affected schools to areas where there were a sizeable number of Indians.

Samy Vellu said the government should not be blamed for not doing much for Tamil schools.
“The government is ready to assist in finding a solution to this problem.”

He cited the special allocation for the redevelopment of Tamil schools under the two economic stimulus packages last year amounting to RM130 million and another RM67 million in the 20101 Budget.

“Even Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassan has pledged that no Tamil school will be closed down,” he said.

Samy Vellu added that the MIC would ensure the continued progress of the Tamil schools “whether they are fully- or partially-aided”.

Najib: 1M'sia has not bombed, it's work in progress

By Rahmah Ghazali - Free Malaysia Today

KUALA LUMPUR: Lashing out at critics who have panned his 1Malaysia brainchild, Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak described it as “work in progress”.

In his keynote address at the 1Malaysia Foundation public seminar here, he said the concept cannot be described as having failed.

“It is not fair to say that 'I am not getting fair treatment that 1Malaysia is not working'. That should not be the attitude, it’s work in progress,” he added.

The concept, introduced soon after Najib took over office last year, was supposed to foster greater racial unity but critics, especially the opposition, had called it a failure.

One of the main reasons for this, according to the detractors, was Umno's lenient approach towards Malay right-wing movement Perkasa.

They also argued that racial polarisation still existed in the education and economic sectors.

The 1Malaysia concept was also rendered a blow by cases of racist remarks being hurled at students by headmasters and principals.

'We don't have the magic wand'
Despite this, Najib stressed that his concept was guiding the nation along the road of transformation.

“What we can put right, we will put right. It is a work in progress, where we need full commitment from the people to get us to our objectives,” he said.

Najib also said the 1Malaysia concept was still in its infancy, and would prove to be successful over time.

“This could be implemented in a more systematic way through our main principles of National Key Result Areas (NKRA), the Government’s Transformation Plan, 10th Malaysia Plan and the New Economic Model,” he added.

However, the prime minister said the government did not have a “magic wand to perform miracles” in achieving the goals of the 1Malaysia concept.

“We need the people’s support to achieve this,” he added.

Video: Gunfight for deputy sheriff: Enter dark horse

Gunfight for deputy sheriff: Enter dark horse

By Teoh El Sen - Free Malaysia Today

KUALA LUMPUR: PKR's former deputy secretary-general P Jenapala has tossed his hat into the ring for the upcoming battle for deputy presidency.
The party veteran, who resigned from his post when he became bankrupt in 2008, announced his candidacy at a press conference held at a restaurant here today.

Currently, the top contenders for the number two slot are vice-president Azmin Ali and former law minister and supreme council member Zaid Ibrahim.

"I represent the working class, the layman's representative,” said Jenapala, who beamed with confidence.

“I believe 95% of the members are grassroots members and they will support me. Most of the party leaders are towkays and professionals who don't understand the feelings of the grassroots," added the 56-year-old security firm manager.

According to Jenapala, there is a lot of frustration in the party, evident from meetings and conventions held, that Indians and the grassroots members were not well represented in the party, and he was here to fill that void.

He spelt out four objectives for him to contest the post:

1. to have fair representation and respect for the Indian community within PKR.

2. to test the democratic process in PKR – does it truly exist?

3. to re-affirm PKR as a plural, multi-racial party.

4. to return PKR to the people, to the grassroots members.

"Our party membership data shows us that approximately 40% of PKR membership is made up of Indians. Yet we remain under-represented in this party," said the former informal national coordinating Indian committee chairman.

"Some members have questioned if Indians are treated with dignity to begin with. Some time back there was a story where a well-known senior PKR leader openly called an Indian leader 'pariah'.

“If this is true, this sort of disrespectful name-calling goes against all that the party stands for. I believe that PKR stands for respect for one another, regardless of who we are," he added.

Promotes 'ketuanan Melayu terpilih'

The former deputy division chief for Ipoh Barat said that he wanted to know if PKR was really democratic or would he be branded as a saboteur for taking this path.

Lamenting the state of the party, Jenapala said PKR was in the past seen as the new frontier, or symbol for multi-racialism in Malaysia.

“This is a party for all Malaysians. This is what the party promised prior to March 2008 when Anwar called on all Malaysians to fight for justice.

"Today it feels more like a party that promotes ‘ketuanan Melayu terpilih’ or in other words, a party for and of a few chosen Malays," he said, adding that PKR must return to the people.

"Democracy is damaged, and we are here to repair it," he stressed.

Asked about the Indian leaders in PKR, he replied: "Now tell me, which PKR leader can read and write Tamil?"

Jenapala, who claimed to be contesting due to suggestions from grassroots members, said he was prepared for the "mud slinging" and "slander" that would surely follow his announcement.

"They will surely embarrass me to the maximum. For the record my financial problems are almost resolved. I will soon be getting a certificate of discharge (from bankrupcy) and that will be done well before nominations, but I have to make this announcement now," he explained.

Asked if Kapar MP S Manickavasagam would be joining his campaign, Jenapala said it was too early for him to say but he welcomed anyone who would join hands with him.

On how much support he had, Jenapala claimed that he already had 30% and he aimed to double that.

'This is not Anwar's party'

Meanwhile, Jenapala also called on Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim to lead PKR as its president and not as adviser.

"I have deep respect for Anwar but this is not his personal party, nor of a few super MPs trying to be power barons. This is a party for all Malaysians," he said.

In late 2008, Jenapala had quit his deputy secretary-general post and claimed that Indians in the party were marginalised and that many had threatened to quit the party as well.

However, his claim was disputed by PKR vice-president R Sivarasa who said Jenapala was not re-appointed at the PKR national congress as he was a bankrupt and could not hold any positions.

Jenapala joined PKR after being expelled from PPP as its Ipoh Barat branch chairman in 1998 for allegedly working against the party and undermining its objectives.

He was the first batch to join PKR in 1998 and claimed that he was the 45th PKR member and first Ipoh Barat division member.

Musa's last sermon at Bukit Aman

A more insincere and hypocritical load of rubbish would be difficult to imagine, especially coming as it did from the man who confessed, so I was reminded, at the Anwar Ibrahim show trial some years ago that he would not hesitate to tell a lie if ordered to do so by his superiors.

Tunku Abdul Aziz, My Sinchew

I squirmed. All of a sudden a wave of nausea of tsunami proportions swept over me as I munched my buttered toast while reading a news report in the NST (9 September 2010) that IGP Musa Hassan’s parting wish was that Ismail Omar, his deceptively docile successor, would “emulate him in bringing about changes to the force and lifting its integrity.”

My breakfast to which I had looked forward with great anticipation came to an abrupt end; it became quite unpalatable and totally indigestible.

A more insincere and hypocritical load of rubbish would be difficult to imagine, especially coming as it did from the man who confessed, so I was reminded, at the Anwar Ibrahim show trial some years ago that he would not hesitate to tell a lie if ordered to do so by his superiors.

We deserved, I suppose, to have Musa set loose among us, the unsuspecting long suffering public, as the country’s Inspector-General of Police because we have done nothing, or very little, to stop the general rot in our country.

For Musa, his promotion to the post of IGP was a well-deserved reward for his “turning” operations and for being economical with the truth.

Musa was denounced as an unreliable witness in a Sabah law court, a euphemism, if there ever was one, for a hostile witness.

In truth, we must not be too hard on the poor man because it is quite possible that “truth” was not in the lexicon of ethics as far as he was concerned.

I thought it odd, to say the least, that he who was literally shown the door had the gall to ask his successor to “emulate” him. Did he really believe that he was worthy of emulation?

I should think it the height of arrogance for me, for example, if I were to suggest that anyone should emulate me. Why should they?

People emulate you because there is something in you, or about you, that they admire. Emulation is not product money can buy, unlike bare faced flattery or lies which seem to get you everywhere.

It is, I suppose, the measure of the man’s limited grasp of life’s vicissitudes that he continued to harbour the delusion until the end, in spite of the open contempt and disdain shown by the general public during his stewardship of the PDRM, that he was about to make a triumphant exit under a decorated arch with flags and pennants fluttering in the breeze and trumpets blaring.

There is, of course, no accounting for one’s pattern of behaviour in response to particular circumstances.

Musa would never in a thousand years admit that he had left a force that is hopelessly demoralised. Ismail Omar has inherited a broken down institution that needs strong, principled and visionary leadership. Ismail Omar’s will be a thankless job. He must quickly wipe out all the negative traces of the Musa years if confidence in the PDRM is to have a ghost of a chance of being restored.

The Government that spent millions to set up the Royal Commission to Enhance the Operation and Management of the Royal Malaysia Police in 2004 must take charge and have all the 125 recommendations implemented.

Abdullah Ahmad Badawi as prime minister not only, in the opinion of the overwhelming majority of Malaysians, slept on the job but also showed no inclination even in rare moments of wakefulness to deal effectively with Musa who, in rejecting the IPCMC (Independent Police Complaints and Misconduct Commission), declared that if the IPCMC was forced on the police, they would to a man revolt.

It was a threat of the most virulent and seditious nature and yet Abdullah Badawi took it all lying down, no pun intended, as if the threat to revolt against an elected government, however the election was conducted, was a normal part of police practice and response in the circumstances.

This naturally led, not surprisingly, to aspersions being cast on Badawi’s integrity. There were suggestions doing the rounds that there was a series of complicated connections that bonded Abdullah Badawi and Musa Hassan. According to many, it was an uneasy close relationship based on mutual survival, bordering on the criminal.

The IPCMC is central to the process of transforming the police force into the police service in which the focus is on service in the public interest rather than concentrating solely on the Police Act. This is a vital mechanism for ensuring that members of the public are protected from police brutality and human rights abuse. On the other side of the coin, the police too will be protected against unfair allegations of illegal acts.

The IPCMC if properly constituted will bring about a change in public/police relations which have broken down almost beyond repair.

It is not often realised and appreciated that the police work under great pressure and are exposed to great danger, and tend to forget that they are no more than civilians in uniform sworn to protect life and property. They must operate within the law. The police, from experience in many developed countries, need to be protected against themselves and this is where a mechanism such as the IPCMC is vitally important for the development of fair and honourable relations between the police and members of the public.

The government must put in train without delay the implementation of the IPCMC to bring PDRM in line with universally proven best policing practice as part of its much touted governance reform programme. For once, do not let the tail wag the dog as Badawi did to the detriment of effective policing in a multi-racial environment.

Tunku Abdul Aziz was a member of the 2004 Royal Commission to Enhance the Operation and Management of the Royal Malaysia Police.

A new era in PDRM with a newly-minted IGP, or business as usual?

by Haris Ibrahim

“How can we investigate any misconduct if no report is made? If it is true, then why should the public be scared to make a report?” : Selangor CPO Khalid Abu Bakar, addressing allegations of misconduct by police personnel in Selangor, as reported in Malaysiakini.
Khalid was further reported as saying that “The public should not fear to inform the authorities about police misconduct… if they are still scared, then they should communicate directly with me”, and went on to suggest that such information could be channeled to him through his Facebook account.
Khalid, it seems to me, is confused.
Is a police report needed before a matter can be investigated?
Now, RPK reminded us in a post a few days ago that the complaint,  on 28th August, last year,  by ASP Noor Azizul Rahim Bin Taharim, the ADC (aide-de-camp) of finally – retired IGP Musa Hassan, contained in a statutory declaration and alleging many criminal acts by Musa appears to have been NFA’d ( no further action ) by the police.
RPK’s post and the statutory declaration can be read HERE.
Based on RPK’s posting, it appears that Noor Azizul had sent a copy of his statutory declaration to Dr M who, in turn, passed the same on to former IGP Tun Haniff Omar.
In essence, Noor Azizul has made two very serious allegations in his statutory declaration against Musa.
One, that Musa had inappropriate connections with underworld figures, and that these connections extended to a particular underworld figure making decisions on the promotion, posting and ranking of officers in PDRM.
Two, that Musa had directed a covert operation involving the creation of a blog through which false allegations of corruption were made against then deputy minister of Home Security, Johari Baharom.
RPK says that none of these allegations against Musa were ever investigated.
If RPK is wrong and an investigation had been conducted, someone would have had to be charged.
Either Musa, for being implicated in the matters alleged, if found to be true, or Noor Azizul, for swearing out a false statutory declaration, if an investigation had cleared Musa of the charges.
Neither were charged, thereby suggesting that RPK is right in that this matter was never investigated.
Why?
RPK’s post does not mention any police report being lodged with regard to the matters raised in Noor Azizul’z statutory declaration.
Might that be the official PDRM reason, if an explanation was now sought for not investigating this matter, given CPO Khalid’s poser : How can we investigate any misconduct if no report is made?
Does this now mean that either Musa or Noor Azizul have gotten off scot-free, because someone in PDRM directed that no further action be taken?
Yesterday, brand new IGP Tan Sri Ismail Omar was reported in the Star as saying :“I want all police officers and those in the rank and file to discharge their duties according to the law to upkeep the image of policing” .
All talk?
Test him?
How to investigate if no police report is made, did CPO Khalid say?
Shall we oblige with reports from Kedah in the north through to JB in the south, and in Kuching and Kota Kinabalu,just so our new IGP understands just how seriously we treat this matter and that the image of PDRM under his watch is at stake?
I’d like to hear from you.

Young Women’s Participation in the Upcoming PKR Election

Press Statement
17 September 2010

Parti Keadilan Rakyat is proud to announce (not an endorsement) that the party’s ongoing direct election has created opportunities for many young women to participate and be elected at various leadership positions at an unprecedented level.

The party’s constitution allows any women member to stand for election at any level including the youth wing, women’s wing and at the central level. This is a stark contrast with the limited opportunities for women at other parties as most would be limited to the women’s wing.

The election will also test the party’s commitment to providing at least 30% of women’s participation at all decision making level of the party.

This ongoing process to mainstream women’s participation within the party has also seen several young women heading divisions.

The following non exhaustive list of names are examples of young, upcoming women leaders who have taken this important decision to offer their candidacy for nomination in the election for various positions:-

Name
Age
Standing for
Background
Contact Number
Siti Aishah
25
Central Committee (MPP)
Head of Serikandi, Women’s Wing
0175466574
Ginie Lim
29
Exco,
Central Youth
Full time Political activist, was candidate for Machap in 2008 GE
0126693453
Sangetha Xavier
27
Vice Youth Chief, Central
Lawyer, Political secretary of Sgor Exco
0176372502
Eunice Ong
27
Vice Youth Chief, Central
Lawyer

Zara Zahari
33
Exco Central Youth
Current Central Exco Youth
0173910167
Fione Tan
32
Exco Central Youth
Committee Member of Cheras Division, Insurance Executive,

Maisuri Zainal
25
Exco Central Youth
Committee Sri Kandi

Hamiza Che Ahmat
39
Deputy Chief of Batu Kawan Division’s Women’s Wing
AMK leader in Penang
0164848376
Juwairiya Zulkifli
25
Central Women’s Wing
ITGraduate, Committee Member of Sri Kandi

Nurul Izzah
30
Chair, Division Lembah Pantai, Central Committee
MP Lembah Pantai

Yee Ling
27
Central Women’s Wing
Councillor for Hulu Selangor

Renuka T Bala
37
Committee Member Division Petaling Jaya Selatan
Human Rights Lawyer, PJS member,
0126839544
Ngeow Chow Ying
36
Chair, Seputeh Division
Lawyer

Erveanna Ansari
34
Chair, Sepanggar Sabah, Vice Youth Chief Wing
Lawyer, Sabah
0168108179

The party strongly supports these young women’s participation and they should not be seen as mere token women representatives to make the numbers. Many have shown commitment to the party and its struggles, are fully qualified, independent and capable young leaders.

Issued by,
Latheefa Koya
Information Chief Keadilan

China, the US and Clashing Aims

(Asia Sentinel) A rising superpower confronts a fading one

No document reflects the conflicting strategic position of a declining superpower and that of a rising one more aptly than the Department of Defense's congressionally-mandated annual reports on China's military modernization.

The Pentagon issued the latest version of that report entitled, "Military Security and Development Involving the People's Republic of China" (aka China's military rise) on August 20. That report was issued almost simultaneously with the global splash of a headline that the PRC had surpassed Japan as the number two economy.

Considering the fact that China's economy has been experiencing average annual gross domestic product growth of 9 percent for the past six years or so, it can be expected continue to channel a portion of that wealth into financing military modernization. This is evidenced by China's resolve to build aircraft carriers, which it considers the ultimate symbol of the military capability of a potential superpower.

http://www.chinability.com/GDP.htm

As much as China remains a rising economic power, its military power is not likely to be a match for America's military prowess and capabilities. China knows that. That is why it is spending a lot of its resources developing "anti-access/area denial" technologies and capabilities, especially involving Taiwan. The Chinese thinking seems to be that, in case of a military conflict involving Taiwan, the PRC would improve its chances of victory if it can succeed in holding off US military intervention through the use of such technologies.

Beijing is also spending a lot of its resources on developing "countermeasures" to nullify America's ever-escalating capabilities to project power in far off lands. The 2010 DoD report takes a detailed look at those capabilities.

Starting from the awe-inspiring performance of America's military in Operation Desert Storm in 1991, the PLA's top brass, as well as defense-related scientists, have been spending many of their resources studying the specifics of America's space dominance, as much as those details are available in open sources. In addition, the espionage wing of the PLA and other civilian agencies are also busy collecting data in the field on the use of space by the American military. China knows how integral a role America's mastery of space has played in that country's military capabilities to maintain full-spectrum dominance in warfare.

Second, no military belonging to any country has been more absorbed in implementing the "revolution in military affairs" and digitization of warfare in its combat capabilities. In fact, China has gone way beyond the use of information warfare in the field of defense. It has also mastered "malware" (or malicious software) espionage, which it has used to spy on Tibetan dissidents. Malware is used for espionage in defense as well as in the military and intelligence fields.

Its purpose is to collect data as well as to corrupt targeted computer systems. According to one study on the subject, "Few organizations outside the defense and intelligence sector could withstand such an attack, Given the high interest of the PRC in this field, and given that it is a closed system, its competitors (especially US government agencies) not only have to constantly remain on guard in developing electronic countermeasures, but find themselves in the dark about the latest capabilities of IT specialists on the Chinese side who are in charge of running that country's "black programs."

Third, the PRC is also using its defense experts to study all the military exercises in China's neighborhood involving the American military – Japan, South Korea, Australia and India. Electronic eavesdropping also works well for China in studying American maneuvers. In that regard, China's "String of Pearls" strategy, an attempt to build client-state relationships to surround India, has not even begun to bear fruit, in terms of providing a treasure trove of intelligence on the activities of the navies of the aforementioned countries.

Fourth, the most impressive aspect of the US military's war-fighting capability for the PLA is the ostensible ease with which it develops sui generis operations for each campaign conducted since the Operation Desert Storm, which is regarded as the "first information-based war." The strategy used in the Kosovo war, Operation Allied Force, was a reminder of the one used during the American war in Vietnam. That strategy focused on gradual escalation of air strikes without the threat of ground forces. In the invasion of Afghanistan, Operation Enduring Freedom, it was the exotic use of spotters from the Special Forces that directed air attacks on the Taliban from the ground, while also directing the offensive power of the ground forces of the Northern Alliance. For invading Iraq, Operation Iraqi Freedom, the Centcom initiated the conventional approach of relying on ground troops for the brunt of its operations.

What was different about that operation was that the chief focus of the "Powell doctrine" – the use of overwhelming force – was shelved in favor of a minimalist approach regarding the size of force. Former Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld and former Centcom Commander General Tommy Franks thought that they were making a unique contribution to combat by creating "shock and awe" with a minimal number of ground troops. That was more a "transformational agenda" of Rumsfeld, who was "appalled to discover how much the forces were still fixated on preparing for big wars and purchasing high-profile weapons platforms rather than developing smaller, nimbler forces geared to the actual contingencies he thought they were likely to face." In their attempt to correct that perceived archaic approach, Rumsfeld and Franks might have gone too far in reducing the force size. General Anthony, who preceded Franks as Commander of Centcom, immediately went on record in pointing out that "his own war plan for invading Iraq had a couple of additional divisions – not for the war fighting, but for what they call the consolidation and exploitation phase at the end of the war."

However, even if the Iraqi quagmire that followed the collapse of the government of Saddam Hussein has not reestablished the significance of Powell's insistence on the use of "overwhelming force," it has certainly discarded Rumsfeld's transformational agenda related to size of the force. One of the major lessons that the US military learned was that it must get ready for "post-conflict" contingencies before invading a country.

The top brass of the PLA watched these developments with much interest and drew their own lessons for future combat that their armed forces might face. The most significant lesson that the PLA drew from the U.S. military is to never stop studying the latter's unique contribution to the prosecution of war. Since the United States has been involved in too many major combats since the Gulf War of 1991, no military can claim that it has more combat experience than America's. And any military that wishes to remain at the cutting edge of its profession without paying the cost of actual prosecution of war would serve itself well to become an ardent student of America's campaigns.

Every time the Pentagon's report on China's military is issued, one can expect a repeat of the following: (1) When the document is released, it contains the standard statement that China is still following the late Deng Xiaoping advice: "observe calmly; secure our position; cope with affairs calmly; hide our capabilities and bide our time; be good at maintaining a low profile; and never claim leadership;" (2) It highlights the developments of China's military modernization, which remains one of its best contributions to the subject anywhere in the world; (3) It accentuates the types of strides being made in China's space capabilities to take countermeasures against a potential enemy, the PRC's advances in information and electronic war, and especially in the realm of access denial.

The U.S. military has rightly concluded that China can inflict great damage to its space assets during a military conflict, and that damage is likely to come during the very early stage of the outbreak of hostilities; and (4) It criticizes China for not being truthful about the size of its military spending and not being transparent about the real purpose of its military modernization. On this last point, the United States' criticism is quite effective, because it is closely being read by all countries of East Asia, and by China's major rival, India.

The PRC's standard response regarding America's perspectives on its military modernization is the accusation that the lone superpower is attempting to contain it. In response to the latest issuance of this document, one Chinese colonel of the PLAF, Dai Xu, accused the US in an OpEd piece of "strangulating China softly."

The timing of the 2010 version of the Pentagon's report on China's military was not particularly good because US-China ties are undergoing an icy phase emanating from President Obama's meeting with the Dalai Lama and the US decision to sell US$6 billion worth of armament to Taiwan. China responded by suspending the contacts between militaries of the two nations. The Obama administration characterized China's response as an "overreaction" to those events.

The United States is having difficulty realizing that China's perceptions of itself and of the lone superpower are undergoing a palpable transformation. Since the PRC envisages the lone superpower as a declining hegemon, and since its self-perception is that of a rising power (and even of a future a superpower), the current leaders in Beijing believe the former must accord the latter more deferential treatment. When China does the US a favor in global economic matters, the latter must reciprocate on other heady issues like not selling arms to Taiwan or not making a point of receiving the Dalai Lama.

The notion of reciprocity (shu) is a quintessential aspect of Chinese culture. The Sage Confucius reported to have instructed one of his disciples that his doctrine of shu "has only one simple thread running through it" – "Loyalty and reciprocity, and that's all."

One has to add to that the major Confucian principle of the doctrine of hexinliyi ("core interests"). In the context of Western thinking, hexinliyi is equivalent to vital interests on which no country would compromise.

For China, these include, first and foremost, the survival of its political system. The second is inviolability of its sovereignty and territorial integrity, two principles that are also inextricably linked with that country's bitter memories of what it frequently refers to as "the century of humiliation." The third core interest of China is steady societal and economic development.

What is interesting to note is that, as China continues its awesome economic rise, it seems to have initiated the process of expanding the list of its core interests. In the past, only Taiwan and Tibet were included in that list. Lately, however, it has also added the South China Sea as a core issue. Considering the fact that the PRC has shown no inclination to negotiate on the "old" core issues, it is expected to do the same regarding the South China Sea. There is a major difference between its old and its new core issues.

On its old core interests (Taiwan and Tibet) no other country is claiming sovereignty over them (even though one can argue that Taiwan claims to be a sovereign nation and its sovereignty is recognized by numerous countries, but their numbers are steadily dwindling). However, in the case of the South China Sea, the interests of other states of East Asia come into conflict with that of China.

For a country that has been so vociferous about America's hubris related to its unilateralism and "hegemonism," China's decision to elevate the significance of the South China Sea as a core issue is nothing short of its own manifestation of arrogance. One can objectively state that China's behavior might merely be a demonstration of how a rising or "wannabe" superpower behaves.

However, that type of hubris will only escalate the suspicion of its East Asian neighbors regarding the real purpose of China's rise and especially of its military modernization.
America's hardline China-watchers, who felt content with the Bush administration's proclivities for unilateralism, do not like the Pentagon's 2010 report on China's military preparedness. The United States' attitude toward China went through a noticeable transformation in Bush's second term, however, when he direly needed that country's cooperation on the Six-Party Talks and especially during the global economic meltdown of 2008-2009.

Still, even when there is a recurring softening of American official attitude toward China, the notion of competition remains uppermost amidst almost all the China-watchers of America and among America-watchers inside China.

Unlike the superpower competition of the Cold War years, the current competition between Beijing and Washington is not predominantly ideological (even though one has to remain conscious of the fact that the United States is a liberal democracy while the PRC is an illiberal system with predominant features of a capitalistic economy). But the Sino-US competition is for primacy in the world between the lone superpower, which is determined not to lose its top position in the hierarchy of nations, and a rising power, which is equally resolute to become number one.

Two important questions for the second decade of the 21st Century are whether China can be satisfied even by becoming a coequal of the United States; and whether the latter would be amenable to accepting China as its coequal? A very important, but a tacit, aspect related to the latter question is that the United States should also be ready for the scenario of China becoming number one among the hierarchy of nations within a decade or so.

Those are hard questions to answer because the United States never had a coequal during the heyday of the Cold War. The former Soviet Union was arguably America's coequal in the ownership of nuclear arsenals. In the realm of economics, however, the USSR was very much a Third World country. China, on the contrary, has turned the Soviet template on its head by becoming an economic power first, then using its economic wealth to become a military superpower.

That may be why the United States remains so concerned about China's rise. As long as China's economy remains as vibrant as it has been for a decade or so, its rise as a superpower appears inexorable.

Despite the rising spirals of competition between them, neither the US nor China appears disposed to seek confrontation that has a high potential of rapidly escalating. Both – especially the latter – have a lot to lose if a war breaks out between the two. China has accomplished much in the past three decades. It is the "world's largest trading nation."
In the words of Zheng Bijian of the China Reform Forum, "The most significant strategic choice the Chinese have made was to embrace economic globalization rather than detach themselves from it." And it has not shown any intention of risking such magnificent gains. In view of their clashing aspirations, their mutual ties "will never be warm. But they could well be 'workmanlike."

The best hope for the world is that the U.S.-China's Janus-faced cooperative and competitive strategic ties always remain manageable and open for frequently recurring rapprochements.

Ehsan Ahrari, Ph.D. is a specialist in great power relations and transnational security. His latest book on great power relations is entitled, The Great Powers and the Hegemon: Strategic Maneuvers. He can be reached at ahrarie@gmail.comThis e-mail address is being protected from spam bots, you need JavaScript enabled to view it

Najib should seriously implement 20-Points Agreement on Borneonisation by setting target to fill at least half of 59 Federal departments in Sabah with Sabahans as heads before the next Malaysia Day on September 16, 2011

By Lim Kit Siang,

Sabahans are disappointed that the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak has come to Sabah completely empty-handed for the first Malaysia Day national public holiday in 47 years.

This makes a complete mockery of the belated recognition of the importance and significance of September 16 as Malaysia Day in the history of Malaysian nation-building process, which involves the rightful place of Sabahans and Sarawakians in the Malaysian scheme of things.

If not for People’s Power as represented by the emergence of Pakatan Rakyat, Malaysia Day on September 16 would not have been declared a national public holiday by the Prime Minister even after 47 years!

This is why the people of Sabah and Sarawak do not want to see the declaration of Malaysia Day as a national public holiday as a mere political ploy but want it to symbolize a belated recognition by and wake-up call for the Federal Government after 47 years to take seriously and address full-heartedly the frustrations, grievances and alienations suffered by Sabahans and Sarawakians for three generations at not being given full and fair treatment as Malaysian citizens – by removing once and for all the nagging sense felt by Sabahans and Sarawakians that they are not accorded recognition and rights as first-class citizens of Malaysia.

This is why Sabahans and Sarawakians expect more than having Malaysia Day declared as a national public holiday – why Sabahans expect Najib to come to Kota Kinabalu and Sandakan on the occasion of Malaysia Day to announce concrete measures how the Barisan Nasional Federal Government proposes to begin to address and resolve their 47-year-old grievances, frustrations and disaffections at not being given fair and proper treatment under the Malaysian sun.

For a start, how does Najib propose to fully implement the Twenty-Point Agreement which was the “magna carta” for Sabah in 1963 to join hands with Sarawak, Malaya and Singapore to establish the new nation and federation of Malaysia.

Yesterday, the Sabah press carried headlines like “Sabahans losing patience over 20 Points – Maijol”, quoting United Pasokmomogun Kadazan Dusun Murut Organisation (UPKO) vice president Senator Datuk Maijol Mahap declaring that “Sabahans are fed up with the Federal Government’s failure to fulfill what have been promised in the 20 Points Agreement”.

Maijol said: “Even after 47 years of being part of Malaysia, they are still waiting for the time when the 20 Points Agreement will be fully fulfilled.”

The minimum Sabahans had expected from Najib on his visit to Sabah to celebrate Malaysia Day as the first national public holiday is an acknowledgement and commitment by him as Prime Minister to fully implement the 20 Points Agreement.

This was also why at my arrival media conference in Kota Kinabalu yesterday morning and at the historic launching of Pakatan Rakyat Sabah last night, I had recommended to the Prime Minister the idea of a Royal Commission of Inquiry into the Twenty Points Agreement to assess their success, shortfalls and failures so that all the 20 Points can be fully implemented.

Unfortunately, my proposal has been ignored and the hopes of Sabahans and Sarawakians that their 47-year-old grievances and discontents will at last be addressed have been dashed with Najib coming to Sabah completely empty-handed.

Najib should make immediate amends for this serious omission by tabling the full implementation of the 20 Points Agreement as the first item of business at the Cabinet meeting next Wednesday, putting on the Cabinet agenda the proposal for the establishment of a Royal Commission of Inquiry into the 20 Points Agreement.

One of the Twenty Points Agreement referred to a “proper Ministerial system in North Borneo”.

This commitment for a “proper Ministerial system” in the 1963 Twenty Points (the Great Charter of Sabah) had clearly been violated in the past 47 years or we would have seen a fair distribution of the state’s wealth and resources among Sabahans and not the abnormality firstly of Sabah which started as one of the richest states in Malaysia deteriorating to be one of the poorest states after 47 years; and secondly, the emergence of a coterie of new rich revolving around the Chief Minister or ex-Chief Ministers and ex-state ministers and their cronies while the overwhelming majority of Sabahans remain poor.

Let the Royal Commission of Inquiry into the 20 Points conduct a full and comprehensive investigation into nearly five decades of misrule, corruption and gross abuse of power in the state which negated and nullified the pledge of the Sabah Magna Carta for “a proper Ministerial system” in Sabah.

Another Twenty-Point pledge is Borneaisation, which stipulated: “Borneanisation of the public service should proceed as quickly as possible.”

What has the Barisan Nasional Federal Government to show for “Borneanisation” of the public service in Sabah after 47 years?
I understand that out of 59 Federal departments, only five are headed by Sabahans. Over 80 per cent of school heads in the education department in Sabah are filled by officers from Peninsular Malaysia, which is clearly against the spirit and letter of the Twenty-Points on Borneanisation after 47 years.

I call on Najib to seriously and immediately implement the Twenty-Point Agreement on Borneonisation by setting the target to fill at least half of 59 Federal departments in Sabah with Sabahans as heads before the next Malaysia Day on September 16, 2011.

Najib should table this target at the Cabinet meeting next Wednesday to demonstrate that his administration is serious in wanting to address the 47-year grievances, frustrations and discontents of Sabahans and Sarawakians – making the first Malaysia Day as a national public holiday really worthwhile and meaningful.

(Speech at Malam Pakatan Rakykat Beaufort organized by DAP Beaufort on Thursday, 16th September 2010 at 10 pm)

Philippines Doing Its Best In Securing Release Of Kidnap Victims: Anifah

KOTA KINABALU, Sept 18 (Bernama) -- The Philippines government has given an assurance that it will do its best in securing the release of two Malaysians who were abducted and held captive by Filipino gunmen in southern Philippines, said Foreign Minister Datuk Seri Anifah Aman.

Anifah said it was among the things discussed during his meeting with Philippines president Benigno S Aquino III in Manila on Tuesday, and that he would continue communicating with the Philippines foreign ministry on the progress.

Seaweed farm manager Tsen Vui Chung, 42, and his cousin and farm supervisor Lai Wing Chau, 33, were kidnapped from Pulau Sebangkit, Semporna on Feb 7, and the families of the victims claimed that a RM2 million ransom was demanded.

"We've discussed about the kidnappings, and he (Aquino) says that the Philippines government will do everything possible to secure the release of these two kidnap victims.

"But like they said, they have to handle this matter very,very carefully because we do not want to endanger the lives of these two victims," he told reporters after attending a luncheon with some 30 ambassadors and high commissioners at a resort in Gaya Island near here.

The envoys had come here to attend the Malaysia Day celebration held Thursday.

On another note, Anifah who returned Thursday from a five-day visit to the Philippines, said Kuala Lumpur-Manila ties were moving in the right direction under the leadership of the new Phillipines president.

"This was very evident in my meetings with both the foreign minister (Alberto G. Romulo) and the president.

"Aquino's eagerness to meet Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak in New York (at the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) next week) is another good sign, we are arranging for both leaders to have a bilateral (meeting) there," he said, adding that Aquino was expected to continue discussions on Malaysia's role as mediator and facilitator for peace negotiation between the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and the Philippines government.

Anifah also said that he had reiterated the need to open a Philippines consulate office in Sabah to facilitate processing of Filipino workers here.

He said Aquino told him that this would be discussed in relation with the republic's claim on Sabah.

He (Anifah) said such discussions were long overdue but stressed that the willingness of both parties to discuss the matter was an encouraging development.

"The president was receptive. He believed we should settle outstanding issues as soon as possible so that Malaysia-Philippines ties can be further strengthened.

"He is willing to put that in the agenda and it is something that maybe they want to discuss with Najib in New York, but for him to respond positively on these issues, and for his willingness to dicuss, I think it's a good message," said Anifah. Anifah added that Najib was also expected to have bilateral meetings with several presidents and prime ministers on the sidelines of the UNGA meeting.

He said Najib was expected to highlight Malaysia's New Economic Model as the country is seen as a progressive and liberal Muslim country, as well as the 1Malaysia concept, and raise current issues on religion.

Meanwhile, asked about the situation in Indonesia, Anifah said no more anti-Malaysian demonstrations were held since Tuesday last week, and that the Indonesian government was preventing future untoward incidents.

"We must understand in Indonesia demonstrations are allowed, but peaceful demonstrations.

"We also discussed about creating a buffer zone (at Malaysia's embassy in Jakarta) so these people (protestors) will not be able to physically come into or climb the embassy's perimeter fence or security guard houses. But so far according to the reports I have received the situation has calmed down, so I don't think these measures will be necessary juts yet," he said.

Who is behind Sarawak Plantation?

By Anil Netto,

Sarawak Plantation Bhd, one of the major plantation players in Sarawak, has a reported landbank  of 52,071ha as of 31 December 2008.
Of this, 18,406ha is vacant land, which includes 10,786ha managed under the Native Customary Rights scheme (under which Sarawak Plantation holds a 60 per cent interest in the plots), according to a research house, as reported in The Edge Financial Daily. The native landowners hold 30 per cent stakes in these plots and the state, 10 per cent.
Who is behind Sarawak Plantation? Sarawak Chief Minister Taib Mahmud’s cousin Abdul Hamed Sepawi figures prominently.
According to The Edge again:

Its larger shareholders are Cermat Ceria Sdn Bhd, with a 30.35% stake, and the State Financial Secretary Sarawak with 25.44%. Group managing director Mohamad Bolhair Reduan holds 6.81% and Lembaga Tabung Haji 5.96%….
A check with the Companies Commission of Malaysia shows that Cermat Ceria’s largest shareholders are Tapak Beringin Sdn Bhd, which holds 46.2%, Datuk Abdul Hamed Sepawi (19.9%) and Hasmi Hasnan (19.7%). Tapak Beringin is owned by Abdul Hamed Sepawi and Hasmi.
Both Abdul Hamed Sepawi and Hasmi have close connections with the state, holding directorships in state-owned companies.
Hamed Sepawi is the chairman of Naim Holdings Bhd and Sarawak Energy Bhd while Hasmi is the managing director of Naim and chairman of Dayang Enterprise Holdings Bhd.

Bloomberg reports on Abdul Hamed’s extensive interests in Sarawak as follows:

In the past 8 years, he has been involved in activities relating to forest plantations in Australia and Sarawak. YBhg Datuk Bin Haji Sepawi has been Chairman of the Board of Sarawak Enterprise Corp. Bhd and Sarawak Energy Berhad since June 27, 2005. He has been the Non-Executive Chairman of Naim Cendera Holdings Bhd and Naim Holdings Berhad since July 25, 2003. He has been the Non-Executive Chairman of Naim Cendera Sdn. Bhd. since October 12, 1995. He has been a Non-Independent Executive Director of TA Ann Holdings Berhad since October 2, 1999. He has been Director of Sarawak Enterprise Corp. Bhd since June 27, 2005. YBhg Datuk Bin Haji Sepawi serves as a Director of Sarawak Timber Industry Development Corporation, Naim Cendera Holdings Bhd and Naim Cendera Sdn. Bhd. He served as Non-Independent Non-Executive Director at SARAWAK Plantation Bhd from August 30, 2005 to May 11, 2009. He is a member of the National Economic Consultative Council II…
He received his early education at St. Columbia’s School, Miri and Malay College, Kuala Kangsar. YBhg Datuk Bin Haji Sepawi graduated with a Bachelor of Science degree (Hons) from University of Malaya in 1971, pursued undergraduate studies in forestry at the Australia Nation University from 1974 to 1975, and later obtained an MSc in Forest Products from Oregon State University, USA.

The Edge weekly reported on 13 September that Hamed was believed to be close to selling his entire stake in Sarawak Plantation.
At RM9,000 to RM15,000 per hectare, the firm’s 50,000-odd ha of land would fetch RM625 million, the weekly noted. That would mean Hamed’s 84.9 million shares could be worth a cool RM190 million, the paper estimated. “Whatever the price, give than crude palm oil has been trading close to RM2,700 per tonne recently and averaged RM2,400 in the last one year, Hamed should be getting a good price.”
Forbes ranks him as Malaysia’s 39th richest person in 2010 with an estimated net worth of US$120 million.
Incidentally, the full top 40 list makes for some interesting reading with some familiar names, cronies and relatives of well-known personalities popping up. And it’s all muhibah up there in 1Malaysia:

1. Robert Kuok
2. Ananda Krishnan
3. Lee Shin Cheng
4. Lee Kim Hua
5. Quek Leng Chan
6. Teh Hong Piow
7. Yeoh Tiong Lay
8. Syed Mokhtar AlBukhary
9. Vincent Tan
10. Tiong Hiew King
11. Azman Hashim
12. Lee Oi Hian & Lee Hau Hian
13. Yaw Teck Seng & Yaw Chee Ming
14. Lim Wee Chai
15. William H. J. Cheng
16. Goh Peng Ooi
17. Lim Kok Thay
18. Jeffrey Cheah
19. Anthony Fernandes
20. G. Gnanalingam
21. Kamarudin Meranun
22. Chan Fong Ann
23. Shahril & Shahriman Shamsuddin
24. A.K. Nathan
25. Chong Chook Yew
26. Mokhzani Mahathir
27. Ahmayuddin bin Ahmad
28. Lau Cho Kun
29. Chen Lip Keong
30. Lee Swee Eng
31. Liew Kee Sin
32. Nazir Razak
33. Eleena Azlan Shah
34. Ong Leong Huat
35. Rozali Ismail
36. Kua Sian Kooi
37. Lin Yun Ling
38. David Law Tien Seng
39. Abdul Hamed Sepawi
40. Syed Mohd Yusof Tun Syed Nasir