Mother eats uncooked rice for three days so daughter can eat bread

Like most parents, everything Aisha Othman does is for her seven-year-old daughter Paymitra Abdullah.

Along with her husband - Paymitra's father - they live at the Desa Rejang PPR (People's Public Housing) and survive on Aisha's husband monthly salary of RM1,500 as a security guard in Cheras.

However, Aisha said, the family has been saddled with utility bills and rent, along with her mother-in-law's backdated rent of close to RM5,000.

"After we settle the bills, then we can focus on what to eat.

"Usually, after we settle all the bills in a month, we have no more money," she said, adding that they normally can only afford groceries if her husband can find odd jobs.

One time, Aisha ate nothing but uncooked rice for three days as the family could only afford to buy bread, which they reserved for Paymitra.

"There is rice at home, so I only eat rice. Not rice but uncooked rice as well as ice cubes.

"I am afraid the cooking gas will run out (if I cook the rice).

"If I ever become too hungry, I will eat ice cubes," Aisha (photo above, with Paymitra) said.

The story of Aisha and Paymitra were the subject of a 20-minute documentary titled "For Paymitra" which was shown at the Freedom Film Festival 2019 (FFF 2019)

The director of the film, Azreen Madzlan said she was inspired to make a film about the financial struggles of a family living in a PPR unit after a Unicef report said one in five children living in low-cost flats in Kuala Lumpur suffered from malnourishment.

Paymitra is one of those who are underweight and malnourished, despite her parents' best efforts.

Towards the end of the movie, with help from Azreen, officers from the Setiawangsa MP Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad's service centre were alerted to Aisha's plight and provided some basic food necessities to the family as well as information about welfare programmes they may qualify for.

Aisha also managed to find a job at a grocery store at Wangsa Maju to supplement the family's income.

The story of Aisha and Paymitra was just one of three films on poverty and the rising cost of living screened at the Lembah Subang 2 PPR last night

The special screening was organised by FFF 2019 together with the office of Petaling Jaya MP Maria Chin Abdullah, who was also present last night.

Bank account zero after RM50 withdrawal

The second film was titled "Pengidup Aku" and focused on Tonny Anak Iman, who works as a construction worker in Dalat, Sarawak.

Tonny was forced to leave his son behind at the longhouse in his village in the interiors, about two hours away by boat upstream, so he could work in the city to provide for his son.

Despite that, he only earns about RM60 a day.

"(My bank account) is zero after withdrawing RM50," Tonny said after he went to withdraw money from the ATM.

The documentary followed Tonny as he prepared for the Gawai celebrations where he gets to spend some time with his son.

"This is nice," Tonny said as he picked out an outfit for his son, Kevin while shopping together.

"It's RM32, so expensive," he said, before pausing to look at his son for a moment.

"Let's get this," he eventually told his son.

After the Gawai celebrations in his village, where there were dancing and singing, Tonny left his son behind as he headed back to the town to work.

Why can't they raise our salaries?

The third documentary "Bila Kami Bersatu" (When We Unite) highlighted the struggles of the workers' union for hospital cleaners.

There are more than 50,000 service workers in government hospitals in Peninsular Malaysia and most of them are cleaners, according to the film.

The film followed the union leaders as they attempted to negotiate with their employers for over 43 demands to be included in their collective agreement (CA).

One of the most important demands for the workers was a raise in the salaries, which was a flat rate of RM1,100, regardless of experience.

After negotiations with the employers, 28 out of their 43 demands were accepted.

Among the demands rejected by the employers was the salary increase.

"She has worked for 20 years but her salary is still RM1,100," argued one of the men representing the union.

The man representing the employers countered: "But 20 years ago, the salary was RM550, right?"

After the negotiations, the union held a post-mortem meeting where they lamented their stagnant salaries again.

"They think we are stupid because we are cleaners. It makes me so sad. They treat us like slaves. Why can't we get a raise in our salaries?

"Our children are getting older and our health is getting worse," one of the women in the union said, shedding tears as she spoke.

PSM had raised this issue earlier, at the end of August this year.

PSM deputy chairperson S Arutchelvan said cleaners for government hospitals received the minimum wage of RM1,100 regardless of their years of service as they are employed through a private contractor.

"When I asked the most senior person in the group, who has worked for 30 years, the shocking answer was that his salary was also RM1,100.

"Let's compare a top CEO's one-day income with the monthly income of our cleaners working in government hospitals.

"It will take our cleaners almost six years to get the CEO's one-day salary, and it will take them around 174 years to get his one-month salary.

"Isn't this obscene?" Arutchelvan questioned.

Active participation from the crowd

The screenings of these three films held at the Lembah Subang 2 PPR saw about 60 people in attendance, mostly children and families from the low-cost flats.

After the films were aired, an officer from the Seri Setia assemblyperson Halimey Abu Bakar's service centre gave a short talk explaining to the Lembah Subang 2 PPR residents about the various welfare programmes available to them.

He also explained to them their eligibility for these programmes, as well as the application process.

Though the crowd consisted mainly of young children, who were rowdy throughout the event, they remained interested in all the films and talks.

They also participated in the simple question-and-answer sessions held in between the screenings of the three documentaries, pointing out the main themes of the films and asking questions to the directors who were also present.

The night ended after a simple lucky draw prize-giving session, where the winners were given bags of rice.

Source: Malaysiakini

Putrajaya claims reduced poverty but UN report shows more poor Malaysians

Whether poverty has declined in Malaysia depends on how it is measured. An example is Putrajaya's reliance on absolute poverty figures, which according to a United Nations report, results in data that does not reflect reality.

The Malaysia Human Development Report 2013 commissioned by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) instead says poverty is better measured against what households earn in general, rather than by a fixed minimum level.

The report measures relative poverty, which sets the threshold at half the national median income, and finds the number of Malaysians in this category has been rising since 2007, with one in five households considered relatively poor.

Absolute poverty, on the other hand, is a measurement based on the declared poverty line. In Peninsular Malaysia, this is fixed at RM763, RM912 in Sarawak and RM1,048 in Sabah.

But the relative poverty line in 2012 was RM1,813, or half of the household median income of RM3,626.

The report, released last week and prepared by Malaysian researchers, notes that in 2007, 17.4% of Malaysians were in relative poverty, and this increased to 19.3% in 2009 and 20% in 2012.

The figures fly in the face of Putrajaya's claim to have successfully reduced absolute poverty to 1.7% in 2012, from 49.3% in 1970.

While Putrajaya relied on the declining absolute poverty rates, the UNDP report argues that relative poverty is “a better approach to assess inclusiveness”.

“Absolute poverty has decreased but relative poverty has emerged as a growing concern in recent years,” said UNDP while releasing the report last Tuesday.

“Relative poverty, which measures the number of households living with less than half of the median income, is a better approach to assess inclusiveness compared to absolute poverty, which measures the number of households living below the poverty line.”

“If poverty is measured using the relative poverty rate (defined as less than half of the median income) as suggested in the New Economic Model, about 20% of Malaysian households are considered poor,” reads the report.

This is not the first time a higher poverty line has been suggested by Malaysian researchers.

In 2010, Jayanath Appadurai, who has worked for the Centre for Policy Initiatives, told The Malaysian Insider that a poverty line of RM1,886 was more accurate.

The Pakatan Rakyat-led Selangor government, meanwhile, recently raised the state's poverty income threshold to RM1,500 to reflect the higher cost of living in the state.

This was made in the state's budget for 2015, which sees about 30% of Selangor's five million residents classified as poor.

More inclusive picture of poverty

The Malaysia Human Development Report 2013 analyses the country's current situation to spur policy reforms to ensure inclusive and equitable growth.

Among ethnic groups, the report shows higher relative poverty rate since 1989, the highest among the Malays at 19.1%, followed by the Chinese at 17.9%.

Meanwhile, the relative poverty rate in urban and rural households has remained stagnant since 1989.

“This is in contrast to the normal convention of measuring poverty using the poverty line income, where the official data show the poverty rate decreasing for all ethnic groups, as well as among the urban/rural areas,” the report says.

It argues that broadening the concept of poverty, with more emphasis on relative poverty, is “more fruitful”.

It notes that Malaysia’s lower absolute poverty rate compared to many countries with higher income and lower inequality raised questions on the suitability and plausibility of Malaysia’s poverty line.

“Aligning (poverty) measurement to international norms will certainly raise – possibly steeply – the poverty line and subsequently the poverty rate."

The report further points out another shortcoming in the government's method of measuring poverty: it does not indicate the different poverty rates within an ethnic group.

“For instance, although the (absolute) poverty rate for Bumiputeras in 2009 is 5.3%, the poverty rate for the Kadazan Dusun and Murut in Sabah are four times higher at about 25%.”

Even among states, the disparity in the absolute poverty rates showed “skewed distribution”, the report says.

In Sabah, the absolute poverty rate of 8.1% was significantly higher than the state with the lowest poverty rate, Malacca, at 0.1%.

The UNDP report was written by Tan Sri Datuk Dr Kamal Salih, an adjunct professor of Economics and Development Studies at Universiti Malaya, Dr Lee Hwok Aun, from the UM Department of Development Studies; and Dr Muhammad Khalid of Khazanah Research Institute. – December 1, 2014.

- See more at: http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/putrajaya-claims-reduced-poverty-but-un-report-shows-more-poor-malaysians#sthash.DkgDHkgr.dpuf

Instalment plans causing poor Malaysians to pay more, says Khazanah reportl

While lower-income households may have televisions, refrigerators and cars, such ownership does not indicate prosperity but debt, as families pay more than the value of these goods through hire purchase plans with high interest rates.

Giving an on-the-ground picture of whether Malaysians are truly benefiting from economic policies, a Khazanah Research Institute report on "The State of Households" released yesterday showed inequality in many areas, including the fact that the rich pay less for the same items because they can afford to pay in cash.

Poorer Malaysians who rely on instalment plans to purchase goods are paying more than their wealthier counterparts for the same items, due to the high interest rates, the report stated.

This “ansuran mudah" scourge has caused Malaysians to spend most of their income, have little savings, and become more susceptible to price increases, the institute noted.

The report said that consumers who opt for instalment payment offers could pay up to 50% in annual percentage rate (APR) for products, such as televisions, washing machines and fridges.

“The wealthiest pay by cash, the better-off choose credit based on interest rates and the least well-off choose the installment payments offer that they can afford,” it said.

“Low-income households, who have low financial literacy and limited access to debt, appear to choose financing based on the affordability of the monthly or weekly installments rather than the true APR.”

The report revealed that a RM24,936 Perodua Viva at an interest rate of 3.38% for nine years may cost only RM271 a month.

However, consumers would be paying RM6,827 in interest, or 27.38% of the total price, at an APR of 6.14%.

“With a nine-year loan, the Perodua Viva seems affordable at RM271 per month. But the reality is that the buyer pays more than a quarter of the purchase price in interest payments,” said the report.

“The problem is more acute with consumer durables, as the rates are almost 50%.”

The report said that households earning less than RM3,000 have a relatively low share of total household debt but their borrowings are proportionately higher than the rest, at seven times their annual income.

“The pressing concern then is how much debt low-income households have taken relative to their ability to pay.

“They spend most of their income and have little savings, making them susceptible to financial stress should interest rates and inflation continue to rise,” said the report.

Other examples of consumer items in the report was how a Samsung television costing RM1,549, paid at an installment of RM15 a week for five years would rack up a total interest of RM2,419, or 156.14% of the original price. The APR would be at 46.05%.

If a consumer purchased a RM1,024 Toshiba Washer based on a weekly installment of RM10 for five years, they would be paying a total interest of RM1,657, or 161.78% of the product’s price. The APR would be at 47.41%.

The interest rate for a Toshiba refrigerator priced at RM1,049 would be RM463, if paid at a weekly installment of RM16 for two years, with an APR of 37.9%.

“A very high proportion of households own cars (78%), motorcycles (66%), refrigerators (96%) and washing machines (91%),” said the report, citing figures from 2012.

“Almost every household owns a television (98%) and a mobile phone (95%), while 57% subscribe for pay TV (Astro). However, only 39% have an internet subscription.

“Most cannot be buying all these with cash, since their incomes are low. They can only be doing so on credit,” the report said.

These higher debts to service resulted in lower savings, as shown from data from Amanah Saham Bumiputera (ASB), the unit trust fund for Bumiputeras.

ASB data showed that the bottom 71.4% of unit holders in 2013 have an average of RM554 in their accounts compared with the average for the top 0.2%, which is RM725,122, said the report.

Wealth and income disparity was also evident from Employees Provident Fund (EPF) data which showed the savings of the top 17,061 members being greater than the total savings of the entire bottom 44% which comprises 2,854,419 members, it said.

“Active EPF members in the 41-55 age group, who are on the brink of retirement and have their careers’ worth of savings, have on average RM147,057 each.

"But this is distorted by the richest 5,446 members who have on average RM1.56 million in savings.

“The bottom 13.5%, meanwhile, have an average savings of RM3,580 and the next 7% an average of RM14,848.

“Low savings and low wealth are a result of low incomes. Low EPF savings of the bottom 20.5% and high wealth inequality are consequences of disparities in income,” said the report.

It added their low levels of savings would mean most families would be in trouble in the event of a shock, such as a reduction in income, unemployment or other emergencies.

The report proposed that the government require all providers of consumer credit to prominently advertise the true APR, in an effort to protect those susceptible to installment payments.

It also mooted a realignment of responsibility, noting that the regulation of credit was distributed between Bank Negara Malaysia, the Ministry of Domestic Trade, Cooperatives and Consumerism, and the Ministry of Urban Wellbeing, Housing and Local Government.

The report also proposed teaching financial literacy in schools.

Meanwhile, the report noted that higher income households have a higher propensity to save and their savings generated returns and further increased their wealth, contributing to the widening wealth gap.

“We have many wealthy people: Malaysians were the top foreign home buyers by transactions in Singapore in 2012; Malaysians were the fourth largest buyers (4%) of newly built London property in 2012; around 7,000 houses costing more than RM1 million are sold in Malaysia each year; Malaysians purchase many luxury cars,” it said.

In 2013, 28,298 luxury cars were sold to Malaysians, including brands such as Volkswagen, BMW, Mercedes Benz, Audi, Lexus, Land Rover, Mini Cooper and Porsche. – November 18, 2014.

- See more at: http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/instalment-plans-causing-poor-malaysians-to-pay-more-says-khazanah-report#sthash.WnOTAba1.dpuf

'More people will be living in poverty’

Cassa president said more people will be living below the poverty line because of the higher cost of living due the price increase of goods and food.

PETALING JAYA: The price increase of goods will affect the health of the poor because they will not have money to buy basic necessities, said Consumers Association of Subang and Shah Alam, Selangor (Cassa) President Jacob George.

George said low-income earners were already hard pressed for money and with the increase in the price of goods they would be living below the poverty line.

Jacob said there was no way the low-income group could cut their expenses because their income was too low compared with the cost of living.

He said the poor were already struggling to make a living and many send their schooling children to work in coffeeshops to remain afloat.

“I believe more people will live in poverty now. There is some people earning less than RM1,000 and they cannot survive with the current cost of living.

The Federation of Malaysian Consumer Association (Fomca) secretary-general Paul Selvarajo said it was going to be tough for the consumers and they must to be smart in their expenditure.

Selvarajo said the consumers had to give priority to their needs and avoid unnecessary spending.

“They have to compare the price of goods before buying to get the best deal,” he said.

Selvarajo said they also had to cooking at home and avoid eating out.

He said the government must educate the consumers on how to spend wisely.

Who are “the poor” in Malaysia?

We live in an age which excels in broadcasting slogans and catchy phrases. Often we, the hearers, unconsciously ‘choose’ the meaning. A good example is “People first.” What does it mean? Who are “the people”?

We most easily think of “the people” as ourselves, our “class” of people. We forget that “the people” includes politicians, civil servants, police, soldiers, bankers, businessmen, garbage collectors, drivers, investors, farmers, etc., all with their dreams and goals.

Who’s poor?
All of us fear being poor. That’s why we worry about increases in the price of electricity, fuel, assessments and hikes in tolls. We recognize there will always be rich and poor. We hope the poor won’t suffer too much. We hope they will grasp opportunities and lift themselves up. We “do charity” now and then, and shed tears of joy whenever we hear of someone doing good for the poor.

Yet, the question “who are the poor?” is not easy to answer. One economist famously said “Poverty, like beauty, lies in the eyes of the beholder.”

When, in our conversations, we try to define poverty, the first thought that arises is lack of income or resources.
Eventually we end up with a list of poverty indicators which are not much different from what we find in academic discussions of poverty: “vulnerability to risks, powerlessness, lack of personal freedom, social exclusion, etc.”

Such conversations often end with someone asking whether there is an official definition of poverty. And, as soon as we hear it, we critique it.
Yet those who work for government, e.g. in the Social Welfare Department, in the Housing Department and in the Economic Planning Unit (EPU), have to work with definitions.
They need clear definitions in order to make decisions.

The statistically poor.
So, according to officialdom, who are the poor?
I’ll start with official data from the statistics department, published by the EPU.

Poverty Line Income (PLI).
Malaysia began measuring the incidence of poverty in 1970. In 1977, we introduced the PLI approach: any household which earns equal to or less than the PLI – and the PLI varies according to where the household is located – is classified as poor.

Household.
The PLI is based on "household” income.
In 2005, when the current definition was finalized, the “reference household” was made up of 1 male and 1 female aged 18-29, 2 boys aged 3 and 9 and a girl aged 5.

For the reference household, statisticians and dieticians estimated the expenditure for a healthy and balanced diet. This is called “Food PLI.”

To this was added “Non-food PLI,” comprised of the expenditure for clothing, housing, durables, transport and ‘others.’ The Non-food PLI is based upon many inputs, including Household Expenditure Surveys, mathematical models, tests, checks and reviews.

This is a summary of the PLI’s for 2005 (source, Table 2.8 on page 47):

PLI	Urban (2005), RM			PLI	Rural (2005), RM
	Food	Non-Food	Total		Food	Non-Food	Total
Maximum (WP Kuala Lumpur)	404	476	880	Maximum  (Sabah)	420	382	802
Minimum  (Kelantan)	373	245	618	Minimum  (Kelantan)	352	220	572

The PLI is adjusted annually for changes in the Cost of Living Index. The latest year for which I was able to locate figures is 2010, only with this level of granularity (source):

	Peninsula	Sabah & Labuan	Sarawak	Malaysia
Incidence of poverty	2.0 %	19.2 %	5.3 %	3.8 %
No. of poor households	102,200	99,100	27,100	228,400
Mean PLI	RM 763	RM 1,048	RM 912	RM 800
Mean Per Capita PLI	RM 194	RM 225	RM 208	RM 198

According to officialdom in Malaysia, the incidence of poverty in 2012 is 1.7 %, an improvement on the 3.8 % reported for 2010 (the figure reported for 1970 was 49.3 %).

Although Household PLI is the “official” way of reporting poverty, it does not appear to be used by civil servants to make decisions.

Welfare department.
I’ve not been able to determine what welfare payments are “for the poor,” and how “the poor” are defined and assessed. I’ve been told Welfare departments around the country do not use the PLI.

Low-cost housing.
According to some REHDA materials on an EPU website, those who earn less than RM 1,500 per month ("low income households") qualify for low cost housing.

BR1M.
A ceiling of RM 3,000 per month is used for deciding which households qualify for BR1M cash hand-outs “to alleviate the burden of low income earners.”

In his 2014 Budget speech, Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak announced another round of BR1M hand-outs.
According to a report in the Star Newspaper, people can now register online to receive the hand-outs, which are expected to flow to “5.9 million households” and “2 million unmarried individuals” in the country.

The hand-outs are for 3 groups of people:

First, households with a total monthly income of RM 3,000 and less. It's claimed that 5.9 million households are eligible. The head of each household will receive RM 600 (up from RM 500 previously).

Second, unmarried individuals. It's claimed that 2 million persons are eligible. Each will receive RM 300 (up from RM 250 previously).

Third, people living alone who are aged 60 years and above. Each will receive RM 600 (up from RM 500 previously).

Leaving aside the question of sensibility of hand-outs as a means to alleviate hardships caused by increases in the cost of electricity, tolls, fuel, etc., I wonder how the figures 5.9 million, 2 million, etc. were computed.

Although a Barisan Nasional website says “80 % of the (sic) total Malaysian households” will benefit, 38.8 % seems a better estimate, since according to the EPU, that’s the percentage of households which earn RM 2,999 or less per month.

So, how do we recognize “the poor”? What’s the PLI? What do you think it should be? How many people are poor? Where are they? How do civil servants decide who’s poor for purposes of welfare, housing and BR1M? What does “People first” really mean?

+ - + - + - + - + -

Note: Yesterday I attended "Workshop on Urban Poverty, Public Policy & Community Based Development" organised by COMMACT Malaysia, Economics Faculty and the Institute for Ethnic Studies, UKM.

Amongst other things, the workshop caused me to think about the statistical and administrative side of poverty.

The End of Poverty, Soon

Appealing for peace 50 years ago, President John F. Kennedy told the Irish Parliament, “The problems of the world cannot possibly be solved by skeptics or cynics, whose horizons are limited by the obvious realities. We need men who can dream of things that never were and ask, why not?”

Today, more and more people are dreaming of a world free of poverty.

In April, the Development Committee of the World Bank set the goal of ending extreme poverty by the year 2030. More recently, the United Nations General Assembly working group on global goals concluded that “eradicating poverty in a generation is an ambitious but feasible goal.” As one who wrote in 2005 that ours was the generation that could end extreme poverty, I am pleased to see this idea take hold at the highest levels.

Are these errant dreams as the world barrels toward more confusion, conflict and climate change, or is there something substantial in the recent wave of high-level interest in the idea? The evidence is on the side of the optimists. And the evidence also supports both those who favor more markets and those who favor more public-private strategies. It’s all a matter of context.

The global picture will surprise doomsayers. According to the World Bank’s scorecard, the proportion of households in developing countries below the extreme-poverty line (now measured as $1.25 per person per day at international prices) has declined sharply, from 52 percent in 1980, to 43 percent in 1990, 34 percent in 1999, and 21 percent in 2010. Even sub-Saharan Africa, the region with the most recalcitrant poverty, is finally experiencing a notable decline, from 58 percent in 1999 to 49 percent in 2010.

The gains are more marked in health. According to the latest Unicef study this month, the mortality rate of children under 5 in Africa declined from 177 deaths per 1,000 births in 1990, to 155 per 1,000 births in 2000, to 98 per 1,000 in 2012. This is still too high, but the rate of progress is rapid and accelerating.

While the recent gains are undoubted, the question is how to ensure that progress on incomes, health and other dimensions of poverty eradication (including access to schooling, safe water, electricity, sewerage) continues until extreme poverty is vanquished. Debates rage on this question and often shed more heat than light.

Here are the basics: economic growth, and hence a market economy, is vital. Africa’s poverty is declining in part because its growth rate picked up from 2.3 percent per year during the lackluster years of 1990-2000 to 5.7 percent during 2000-10. Without economic growth, there cannot be sustained gains in income, health and other areas. Continued progress depends on heavy investments in major infrastructure — water, electricity, waste management — and these in turn depend on large-scale private financing, hence a suitable market framework.

So anti-market sentiment is no friend of poverty reduction. But neither is free-market fundamentalism. Economic growth and poverty reduction can’t be achieved by free markets alone. Disease control, public education, the promotion of new science and technology, and protection of the natural environment are public functions that must align with private market forces.

Consider two keys to Africa’s recent poverty reduction. The first is the introduction of cellphones, which have revolutionized communication and much else in both remote African villages and the streets of Manhattan. Smartphones are poised to transform education, health care, finance and agricultural value chains. Malaria control, made possible by new technologies, including long-lasting bed nets, rapid diagnostic tests and a new generation of medicines, has also played a vital role in reducing poverty in Africa.

In both cases, the private sector has been essential, not only in developing breakthrough technologies but also enabling them to spread in a short time. Hundreds of millions of cellphones and hundreds of millions of bed nets have helped slash rural poverty in the past few years.

Yet the public sector is also critical. Public funds finance crucial scientific and technological breakthroughs. The Global Fund to Fight AIDS, TB and Malaria, an agency backed by international public funds, has financed the mass distribution of the bed nets. Malaria is down by at least 30 percent as a result. Smartphone applications for community health workers are now similarly being hugely scaled up with increased public as well as private backing.

One can say that the fight to end poverty is helping to forge a new kind of mixed capitalism. Old debates of public versus private are being superseded by new strategies that involve both the public and private sectors. The need for both will become more urgent as climate change and water scarcity intensify. Also, the idea of bold global goals’ driving bold actions is proving the cynics wrong. A global commitment to ending extreme poverty will spur creativity and action.

As Kennedy also declared a half-century ago, “By defining our goal more clearly — by making it seem more manageable and less remote — we can help all people to see it, to draw hope from it, and to move irresistibly toward it.”

Jeffrey D. Sachs is special adviser to the United Nations Secretary General on the Millennium Development Goals and director of the Earth Institute.

Malaysian Indian poor has zero village safety net. 607 New Villages for Chinese poor, thousands for Malay, Asli, Iban & Kadazan villages for poor.

In any part of the world the social safety net for any community is their ancestral and traditional villages. In these villages they get to engage in at least agriculture  and lifestock farming for their livelihood. Thus their social safety net beyond which they would not fall. And in these villages they live as a community.

Unlike the example of the lone Indian poor ageing lady in her hut and living in worst off conditions than the Orang Asli (see photo).The most misfortunate, disabled, old and orphans are taken care of by the village community.

Even the dishwasher from Tamil Nadu a working in Brickfields may be better of than the 5th and 6th generation Malaysian born. Indian poor in the event of any misfortunate, disability or old age, always has a village social safety net to go back to in India. But this is not so for the Malaysian Indian poor. There are almost zero Indian poor villages in One Malay-sia as their social safety net.

The few and far in between Kg Muniandi, Kg Ghandi, Kg Kanchang Puteh, kg Chikadee, Kg DBI, Kg Buah Pala, Kg Bengali, etc have denied permanent land titles and have been “ethnically cleansed” or waiting  for their day to be ethnically  cleansed. Even if there are the few Indian villages, their existence is temporary. As is the temporary solution for the Indian poor across  the board in One Malay-sia.

Land settled by the Indian poor are deemed squatters and bulldozed or waiting to be bulldozed but land settled by the Malays, Chinese and the Orang Asli Kadazan, Iban are recognized by the  State and granted permanent land titles.

Even the pre existing poor and landless Indian plantation workers were denied the 442,000 (112,635 Felda) (UM 21/4/10 at page 28), 28,235 Risda and 95,000 Felcra – BH  25/2/2010 at page 4).

We are only aware of some of Indians in the Felda schemes in Bahau, LBJ and Trolak and that too granted in the very early years in the 1960s. And never thereafter the ten acre land ownership schemes in Felda, Felcra and Risda schemes, 99% of which have been granted to the Malay muslims. We estimate over one million such ten acre land ownership schemes nationwide including those granted by Mardi, Fama, Agropolition and by the similar 13 State government ten acre land ownership schemes like Kejora, Kemubu, Kedara, Ketengah, etc where zero Indian poor have been granted land.

Even the Pakatan Rakyat State governments of Perak and Selangor within one month of they coming to power in Perak and Selangor granted:-
1) 110,000 land titles in 349 land titles in 349 Rancangan Kampung Tersusun for Malay muslims in Perak (UM 1/1/2009)
2)   102,000 land titles in 134 Chinese New  Villages in Perak. (NST 10/10/3 at page 23)
3)    2,500 acres to 9 Chinese Independent schools in Perak . (NST 31/8/8 at page 38).
4)    10 acres to each and every Orang asli in Perak (NST 9/3/9 at page 8).
5)    1,000 acres of land and RM100 Million for pig farming in Sepang Selangor. (NST 11/4/08 and
26/8/8).And today’s New Straits Times 22/7/11 at page 2, reported that there are 607 (Chinese) New Villages nationwide with 1.2 million villagers. To top it up no less than the Deputy Prime Minister grants RM 100 million to uplift the lives in these New Villages.

The UMNO government’s billions to uplift the lives of the Malay muslims, Orang Asli, Kadazan and Iban poor through various government programs goes without saying.

But to start off with there is almost zero permanent Indian villages, let alone the millions or billions of ringgit Malaysia to be given to them.

The tip of the iceberg case of the Indian poor without the social safety net is that of M. Krishnan (37) who was killed at the Bukit Jallil police lock up. Krishnan’s widow P. Revathi (37) had called over to our office in March 2011 told us that her husband was the sole bread winner who fed his family of six young aged between 8 to 17 years.  His pregnant wife can’t even go to work as she has to care for her three toddlers and cannot afford a baby sitter.


Even the UMNO Welfare Department refused to grant any emergency or other financial help. At best we know of some similar Indian poor families who were granted a maximum of RM 300 per month and that too for a mere three months and thereafter they have to go begging on their knees for the further RM 300. This RM 300.00 would not even be enough to pay her rentals in Sentul. This RM 300 Welfare help would go a long way if P. Revathi had the village safety net to fall back on. There was zero Indian village she could go back to or go to. The Felda, Felcra, Risda etc ten acre landownership schemes  would never take her in. What do we do; we have no answer for P. Revathi.

P. Revathi had asked us “What do I do now”? We had no answer we could just watch her cry silently. We do not know what ever happened to Revathi thereafter and we were helpless in the face of the bi-racial One Malay-sian political and economic reality.

P. Revathi told us that she is left with no other choice but to contemplate suicide. Tears swelled in the corner of our eyes and we took our sight out of the harsh reality she was undergoing to divert our mind. But we had and till today have no answers.

Had she been a Malay muslim the, Lembaga Urus, Zakat, Baitumal, Tabung Haji, Perkim, Yayasan, etc would have bailed her out.

Had she been a Chinese some Towkay would have bailed her out as they have been recipients of government largess for decades. Or she could have gone to one of the aforesaid 617 Chinese Villages. Some 50% of the Malay-sian economy controlling Chinese community will somehow care of their poor.

And we have the Jabatan Orang Asli, Yayasan Sabah and Sarawak, 25 and 31 Sabah and Sarawak native MPs and hundreds of ADUNs (minus the few Chinese MPs’ & ADUNS) and the whole of the Sabah and Sarawak State governments vis a vis the political power balance they wield, especially now in the post 2008 general elections scenario to care for the Kadazan, Iban, Orang Ulu, Murut poor.

But who cared for the Indian poor in bi racial One Malay-sia? There is no Yayasan or Jabatan. UMNO? BN? MIC? Pseudo multi-racial PKR, DAP, PAS, NGO?

And when we point out this level of unacceptable and shameful racism and religious supremacy, never seen in any other part of the world, we are in turn are very shrewdly branded as racist by our detractors as a very “clever” means to divert away from this the pressing Indian problems and which this mere 8% Indian community has almost zero political or economic power.

This is just the tip of the iceberg one off story of the Indian poor and landless. Many such instances are reported in www.humanrightspartymalaysia.com.

Tens of thousands of even the 5th and 6th generation Indian poor and landless nationwide cry in silence every day. Because bi-racial One Malay-sia does not care for them because they are the Indian poor. In bi-racial One Malaysia any issue that concerns the Malays or the Chinese is a ‘national’ issue andaddressed. Policies and programs are only designed to feed these two communities.

Only in bi racial One Malay-sian poor and landless their ethnicity matters.
Rights not Mercy.
P. Uthayakumar

Bank harassing buyers for non-existent flat

Buyers of units in Block E in PJS1 still receiving notices to pay up overdue interest despite the state government's pledge to resolve the issue.

VIDEO INSIDE

PETALING JAYA: Some 276 families who had purchased low-cost flat units in Block E of PJS1 are being served notices by a bank for overdue interests eventhough the project has yet to take off.

Peter Brickworks Sdn Bhd, the developer for the project, had reneged on its promise made in 2003 to build the flats for them, leaving the residents without homes but with debts to settle with the bank for loans taken.

The Selangor government subsequently stepped in to take over the project from the developer last month.

Selangor State Housing, Building Development and Squatters Committee chairman Iskandar Abdul Samad told the residents the state government would negotiate with the bank to waive interests on
loans taken by the residents.

Residents action committee chairman, M Sugumaran, said the residents were now being given the run-around despite the promise made by the state government to revive the project.

“All the state authorities are telling me that they are in the midst of holding meetings to revive the project. Till now, there’s been nothing in black and white,” said Sugumaran.

He added that the residents attended a meeting with the Petaling Jaya City Hall (MBPJ) two weeks ago, highlighting their grouses but nothing has come forth since.

“Five buyers, currently living in PPR flats in Lembah Subang, told me that they received calls from the bank asking them to pay up on their instalments for the non-existent Block E project.

“When they told the officers that the state government is in the midst of resolving the matter with the bank, the officers just brushed the matter aside and insisted on payments,” said Sugumaran.

He also said several buyers in Lembah Subang were still receiving reminders from MBPJ to pay rentals despite being promised by city hall that it would bear the cost till Block E was built.

“It seems there is a communication breakdown in the city hall itself,” said Sugumaran.

Sugumaran said that he had sent MBPJ councillor Latheefa Koya numerous text messages on the matter and the only reply he received was that she would be meeting with Iskandar soon.

Ongoing talks

When contacted, Iskandar said the state government had decided in a meeting yesterday that the Block E project would be handled by Menteri Besar Abdul Khalid Ibrahim himself.

He added that there were several matters that needed to be resolved pertaining to the project before they could provide a written agreement to the residents.

One issue, he said, was in regard to the stalled school project which was originally scheduled to be built at the site where the longhouses are located.

“We are planning to build the school near Taman Kanagapuram, the site where Block E was to be initially developed. We need to discuss it with the federal government.

“We are shifting the school project as Block E is now slated to be built at the longhouse area,” said Iskandar.

He added that the bank has agreed to waive part of the RM1.1 million in interest owed to the bank in their preliminary talks and is puzzled as to why the bank was still calling the buyers.

“As for the MBPJ rental payment reminders, perhaps the officers had got their records mixed up. I urge those who had received reminders to forward them to my officers. We will deal with it.”

The buyers of the Block E flat units, formerly squatter settlers, were promised by Peter Brickworks in 2003 that it would build low-cost flats for them when they moved out from their homes.

Although the developer had already built four flat blocks, the developer was unable to build Block E due to a court order served against the project by residents near Taman Kanagapuram.

Two residents at the PJS 1 longhouses, who had been at loggerheads with Peter Brickworks for years, had moved out from their makeshift camp on July 8.

PSM sees fault in Vell Paari’s ‘slave rescue’

MIC is treating the symptoms without curing the disease, says Arutchelvan.

PETALING JAYA: Parti Sosialis Malaysia (PSM) has criticised MIC’s plan to relocate the residents of Nigel Gardner Estate as a piecemeal solution that does not address the real plight of plantation workers.

PSM secretary-general S Arutchelvan lauded the move to rescue the Nigel Gardner families from their slave-like existence but described it as akin to treating the symptoms instead of curing the disease.

“The real problems plaguing plantation workers are low wages and exploitation by employers,” he said.

The situation at Nigel Gardner was exposed last week when MIC publicity chief S Vell Paari spoke to FMT about the poor families living there.

The estate is owned by tycoon Vincent Tan’s Berjaya Group and is part of the Hulu Selangor constituency, for which former MIC publicity chief P Kamalanathan is the MP.

Vell Paari said he was appalled by the living conditions there and pledged to start a fund to relocate the families to a place yet to be identified.

Arutchelvan suggested that MIC use its resources to come up with a comprehensive plan with clear objectives that would lift plantation workers out of their misery.

“In the early days, MIC used to tell estate workers to move to urban areas for a better living,” he said. “Recently, we had the MIC president asking Indians to move back into the plantations if they can’t cope in urban areas. MIC itself has got confused.”

MIC president G Palanivel made his call to urban Indians last March, after the government had agreed on a minimum monthly wage of RM700 for estate workers. The call drew flak from many quarters, including MIC Youth chief T Mohan, who said working in estates was not part of the path to a bright future.

Follow-up programmes

Arutchelvan urged Vell Paari to get government agencies such as the Welfare Department and the Health Ministry to investigate the situation at Nigel Gardner.

He added that PSM was willing to assist MIC in the best interest of plantation workers.

“However, I do not believe that relocating them will help them much,” he said. “Previously, when estate workers in Prang Besar were relocated to make way for the Putrajaya project, their lifestyle became worse and the community disintegrated.”

But lawyer KA Ramu, a DAP member who is familiar with conditions at Nigel Gardner, said relocating the residents was the best immediate solution for them.

“Right now, there is no national blueprint to protect the welfare of estate workers,” he said. “So, relocating them is the best alternative for them at this point in time.”

However, he added, there must be follow-up programmes to help them adapt to their new surroundings and make a better living.

“You cannot simply relocate people to an area without providing them with the necessary skills and motivation to cope with the new surroundings,” he said.

Among the most important programmes, he said, would be counselling, especially if they were moved to an urban setting.

“Without that, the community will falter and they will resort to crime for a living,” he said.

Plan to rescue estate ‘slaves’

The deplorable living conditions has prompted one politician to initiate a relocation exercise. The plan will cut across political differences.

HULU SELANGOR: Appalled by the deplorable living conditions of families in an estate here, a MIC leader is looking into the possibility of relocating them.
Conceding that it will be a mammoth endeavour, S Vell Paari however is determined to forge ahead with his plan.

He also stressed that the relocation is not politically motivated, but driven by humanitarian reasons and therefore welcomed assistance from all quarters, including Pakatan Rakyat leaders and NGOs.

The MIC publicity and communication chief also pledged to start a fund, which will be managed by an independent committee, to finance the project.

“These people are in dire need of help. This is not about votes. So I hope all concerned groups will set aside their political differences and help me turn this plan into a reality. Let’s work together.

“I’ve repeatedly stressed that people cannot be coerced, threatened or punished when it comes to exercising their democratic right to vote for the party of their choice,” he told FMT.

Vell Paari is also certain that his critics will pour scorn on his plan but the MIC central working committee member said he will not be deterred.

“I’m sure some will dismiss this as a gimmick. But I don’t care about that. If the criticism is constructive, I’ll take note of it. I’m more interested in helping these people,” he said.

On Saturday, Vell Paari visited the Nigel Gardner estate, owned by tycoon Vincent Tan’s Berjaya Group, after being alerted about the plight of 11-year-old schoolgirl, A Kangga.

The Standard Five pupil, born with fingers and toes fused together, is in need of financial aid to cover her medical treatment expenses.

‘Living in the 19^th century’
After meeting Kangga’s family and being informed about the problems faced by the estate workers there, Vell Paari said he was shocked.

“The children are malnourished, the houses are falling apart, and from what I hear, the estate management is treating its workers poorly, not to mention risking their health with prolonged exposure to harmful substances related to the cultivation of oil palm trees.

“They are drawing salaries of RM300 a month after deductions. This is the 21st century but in an estate, located some 40 minutes from the city, there are people still living in the 19th century,” he said.

“We talk about the suffering in Palestine and Sri Lanka. We want to help Australia process asylum seekers but we have refugee-like citizens in our own backyard.

“While it is noble to help those in other lands, we should also not forget to reach out to our fellow Malaysians who are in a similar situation,” he added.

When pointed out that the Hulu Selangor parliamentary constituency, which encompasses the Nigel Gardner estate, is under MIC, Vell Paari said he is well aware of this fact.

Apart from this, MIC president G Palanivel, the former Hulu Selangor MP, is also known to be a close associate of the Berjaya Group’s boss.

‘Nothing to do with votes’
Insisting on keeping his plan above party and partisan politics, Vell Paari said: “I know these things have been happening during MIC’s watch, but I want to reiterate that my plan to relocate them has nothing to do with politics, it’s purely compassion.”

“We’ve always said things like ‘If we do this and that, you must vote for us’. I’m guilty of doing that as well. But after visiting the estate, I feel ashamed for having done that.

“We’ve to change our mindset because politicians are elected by the people to serve them and that is what we must do. We must stop using votes as an excuse to do work.

“Getting votes is a secondary issue. If a politician does his job and what is expected of him, there is no need to campaign or give hampers, the people will vote for you,” he added.

Elaborating on his relocation plan, Vell Paari said he will discuss the matter with the incumbent Hulu Selangor MP P Kamalanathan as well as Pakatan’s Selangor exco in charge of Indian affairs, Dr Xavier Jeyakumar.

Next month, he added, a meeting will be organised with the 80 families in the estate to obtain their feedback and to determine how many of them want to move out.

“We’ll ascertain the exact number and take it from there. Basically, we’ve have to find them alternate houses and by that I mean, decent homes. We’ve to look into enrolling the children in a new school.
“I also believe that those who move out should undergo rehabilitation and skills training, following which, we provide them with employment opportunities to ensure that they earn a proper income to support their families on their own without depending on handouts.

“This is no walk in the park as it involves people’s lives. We’ve to plan this carefully and that is why I need help from all quarters. This problem has been going on for too long and enough of begging the government to deal with it. The time has come to take matters into our own hands,” he said.

If the plan proves to be a success, the MIC leader said he will then focus on other estates around the country.

Vell Paari also said that he will write a letter to Berjaya Group’s Tan to notify him of the situation in the Nigel Gardner estate.

“Berjaya is a big corporation and Tan is perhaps in the dark about what is happening on the ground. So it is only fair that we give him the benefit of the doubt and tell him about the matter,” he added.

‘We’re being treated like slaves’
When FMT visited the estate later and informed a group of workers about the relocation plan, many appeared receptive.

The workers also lambasted the government, especially MIC, for turning a blind eye to their problems and for not keeping their election promises

Venting her frustration, one outspoken worker, who has been living in the Nigel Gardner estate since the age of 13, claimed: “We’re being treated like slaves. When they want our votes, the politicians come running, hold concerts and slaughter goats for a feast. But after that, we’re abandoned.”

“Look at our houses. When it rains, the roof leaks. The toilet doors are broken. We’ve daughters and they’re forced to have their baths in a toilet like that,” she added, amid sobs.

“See my clothes!” exclaimed the 50-year-old mother of three while tugging on her faded t-shirt. “This cost RM5 and my pants, that is also RM5. That’s all we can afford. This is how we live.”

Hardcore Indian poor forced to eat plain rice and porridge with salt as side dish. UMNO Welfare Department rejects aid. UMNO social engineering.

Saraswathy (25) and her husband of Ayer Molek say they have it hard all their lives and yet are unable to come out of their cycle of poverty. And made worse by her paralysed daughter Meena (7) who was hospitalized and Saraswathy was forced to stop work. Her husband only earns a mere RM 400 per month out of which RM 200 alone goes to their rentals, which will not be the case for almost all Malay, Orang asli, kadazan, Iban, who all have their village safety net. Like 99% of the Indian poor Saraswathy has no traditional village to fall back on as her social safety net.

Saraswathy and 99% of the Indian poor are denied the Felda like 10 acre land ownership schemes granted to over half a million Malay muslims.

Saraswathy and 90% of the Indian poor are denied the UMNO Welfare help despite having a disabled daughter. And 100% of the Indian poor will be denied the RM 500 granted by Baitumal charity which is granted only to the Malay muslims. And the hundreds of ringgit from the scores of other Lembaga Urus Zakat, Yayasan etc but exclusively for Malay muslims. This is only the tip of the iceberg.

UMNO not racist and religious supremacist?

UMNO not the world’s most racist and religious supremacist country?

(see BH 29/3/2011 at page 9)

Karunai Nithi @ Compassionate Justice

www.humanrightspartymalaysia.com

Life grinds on under the shadow of poverty

By Ken Vin Lek and Stephanie Sta Maria - Free Malaysia Today

FMT FOCUS PETALING JAYA: Poverty is a beast that lurks in the shadows of every city. Its face is mostly hidden somewhere on the the city's periphery where it can be forgotten with ease. In Selangor, that beast lives in the Putra Damai flats in the vicinity of Ara Damansara, Petaling Jaya.

The flats are the product of the zero squatter policy, a brainchild of Dr Khir Toyo during his tenure as Selangor menteri besar, and fall under the government-initiated Housing Project for the Extremely Poor (PPRT).

Putra Damai was meant as a two-year transit home for those who were relocated there from the squatter areas of Kampung Penaga, Damansara Dalam, Klang Lama and Kampung Lindungan. But two years stretched to 10 and the site now houses the largest concentration of low-income families in Selangor.

The residents there draw a monthly salary of less than RM2,500, of which RM250 goes for rent. Those earning less than RM1,500 qualify for a lower rent of RM124. None of the units are available for purchase now, but the National Housing Department under the Ministry of Housing and Local Government has plans to enable individuals to purchase it within a year or two.

The blocks are numbered alphabetically ranging from A to H, with 392 units respectively. Each block has its own head of block and committee members which are elected by the residents.

While Blocks A to F are huddled together, the last two sit together in isolation. And this separation has allowed it to shape its own culture and mindset.

A model community

Walking along the corridor of Block G, one can't help but notice the odour emanating from the drains, the crudely patched-up cracks on the walls and random patches of peeled paint.

But what is also noticeable are the makeshift sundry shops along the corridor, the working pay phones and the absence of trash on the ground.

“We're slightly different from the other blocks,” says Mazlan Mat Yunos (photo), the head of Block H, with a slight smile. “There is more integration, respect and open-mindedness here. But that doesn't mean we're better than the other residents. We just get along better.”

Mazlan, who is also the head of the Umno branch in Sungai Way, has been living in Putra Damai for nine years and was elected as head this year. His multiracial committee consist of 32 people.

“Although Malays make up 80% of the residents here, we have a multiracial committee,” he said. “A multiracial community needs multiracial leaders. Isn't that what 1Malaysia is supposed to be about?”

According to Mazlan, the head and committee members are elected once every two years and are responsible for organising regular community activities. To date, his team has organised donation campaigns for single mothers and the disabled, karaoke sessions for the youths and cultural ceremonies to ensure that tradition doesn't die in the city.

When FMT came calling one Saturday morning, a tuition programme was in full swing. Organised by a local church group three years ago, the volunteers were tutoring primary schoolchildren in various subjects. Attendance was low that particular day but, according to Mazlan, about 30 children usually show up each weekend.

“Most of them are Indian children but there are a few Malays as well,” he said. “It doesn't matter that it's a church initiative. Only the rich city people turn good intentions into religious issues. Over here, we don't discriminate against any helping hands. Our top priority is the people. If we make room for political or religious intolerance, then we're the ones who will suffer.”

This little speech evoked a loud chorus of approval from other residents listening in on the conversation. A clear indication that Mazlan's attitude is reflective of the community there.

The fingerprints of poverty

It's easy to get carried away by the community's positive vibes, but Mazlan is having none of that. With the same ease as he described the bright spots so did he point out the dark ones.

“The fans are not working and the toilet is a disgrace,” he said, gesturing to the small community hall. “Many individuals from various political parties have promised to get them fixed but nothing has been done yet.”

“No, I'm not going to say which political party because it doesn't matter. But I will say that being an Umno member has not stopped me from working alongside opposition party members and vice- versa.”

But politics is far from his mind. He is more concerned with some of the pressing problems plaguing the community.

“We need a proper playground for the youths,” he said, glancing at the small patch of grass in the middle of the carpark. “They have to play football around the community hall and we've lost a few windows. We've had a few dengue cases here too, so frequent fogging would be good.”

Zulkifli Abdullah, the Block G supervisor, however, claimed that there has been a huge difference since he took over two years ago.

“I don't think it had anything to do with me specifically,” he laughed. “The residents elected leaders who cared about the community. Before this, drug-related issues, motorcycle thefts and vandalism were rampant. Now the Rukun Tetangga works together with the heads of blocks and committee members to keep the area safe.”

The biggest thorn in his side though is the perpetually faulty lifts. He complained that at any given time, only two of the three lifts work due mainly to outsiders stealing the steel coils.

“It's a huge problem especially during rush-hour time,” he said. “There was once when a man returned from hospital and had to be carried up 17 flights of stairs. And then of course no one wants to stay on the upper floors.”

Another major problem is the lack of proper parking bays for both cars and motorcycles. Each family owns one car and there are only 100 parking bays. Double parking is common but the residents have devised a clever system to keep tempers from flaring.

“All those who double park leave the hand brake down so the driver of the blocked car just has to push the other car away,” Zulkifli (left) chuckled.

Mazlan, on the other hand, is more concerned about the motorcycles which lack a designated parking spot.

“Most of the time the bikes are parked around the community hall,” he said. “But many have to be parked in the corridors or further down the road which leaves them open to theft. It's a serious problem.”

The other problem that exasperates Zulkifli are the electrical wiring and the metal water tubes that have been ripped from the walls of the upper floors to be resold for a quick buck. Both he and Mazlan insisted, however, that the troublemakers are outsiders and very rarely the residents themselves.

A ray of hope

Life isn't a bed of roses for the residents of Putra Damai but they are far from bemoaning their fate. There is a ray of hope that someday things will brighten up and already there is a stirring of a promising start in the shape of a project to help alleviate their harsh conditions.

The community residing in Block G and H has been chosen for an urban poverty eradication project headed by Kota Damansara assemblyman and Socialist Party of Malaysia chairman Dr Nasir Hashim.

The project aims to eradicate poverty through empowerment and its success will be used as a model for the other blocks. Both Mazlan and Zulkifli are cautiously excited and quietly proud over this prospect.

“Nasir has already visited to learn about our needs instead of telling us what we need,” Mazlan smiled. “It's a good start.”