Hindraf chairman P Waythamoorthy pens his political thoughts while on his 10th day of hunger strike.
COMMENT
By P Waythamoorthy
Today is the 10th day of my hunger viratham (hunger strike). Over the weekend we have had people streaming in steadily to the temple, all feeling an inner compulsion to share in my prayers.
The warm touches, the hugs, the tears, vibuthi to my forehead, their words, and their looks all keep feeding me with strength.
I may be getting weak physically but my strength to fight this oppressive system only gets stronger with every passing day and with every warm touch.
Today I want to write about Displaced Estate Workers to clarify some history. This knowledge of history and the consequences are necessary for informed decision making to solve national social problems, something which is sorely lacking. I hope this will help.
In my presentation at the UN office in Geneva in April 2008, I was not sure if using the term ‘Internally Displaced Persons’ for the evicted estate workers in Malaysia was appropriate,.
Part way through my presentation, I paused and asked the officials of the UN if the term ‘Internally Displaced Persons’ was accurate to describe the workers in Malaysia who were evicted from the estates and they readily agreed with me.
So, there we have it, another distinct problem that we have identified and given expression to.
The UN Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement defines internally displaced persons as “persons or groups of persons who have been forced or obliged to flee or to leave their homes or places of habitual residence, in particular as a result of or in order to avoid the effects of armed conflict, situations of generalised violence, violations of human rights or natural or human-made disasters, and who have not crossed an internationally recognised state border.”
Best for picking jobs
In the case of displaced Malaysian Indians they are forced to leave their homes and places of habitual residence as a result of development programs of the state and in violation of their fundamental rights.
The Indians have lived and worked in the estates for generations and in some cases the forefathers may have lived there as far as the late 1800s.
The British brought in South Indian labourers – whom they considered best for the picking jobs in the plantations for a good 100 years from 1830s- 1938.
They modified both British India policy as well as British Malaya policies with the tacit approvals of the Malay rulers to facilitate this mass movement.
They set up infrastructure on both sides of the ocean to facilitate the flow of South Indian labour, the British splurged on significant false propaganda to the gullible South Indian poor about the good life, about a good future in the “land of plenty in Malaya”.
The British offered free and heavily subsidised fares to travel to Penang, to Port Swettenham and to Singapore for these labourers from Nagapattinam, a port town in India.
These labourers could hardly afford the tickets from their villages to the port town of Nagapattinam let alone to Malaya.
Historical records that I have collated clearly tell this tale of forced migration to Malaya all for the profit of British enterprises and only for the profit of these enterprises.
This stream of migrants coming into Malaya was termed assisted migration. This accounted for the largest part of the migration.
There was yet another stream of migration called unassisted migration. These were the traders, the teachers, the hospital assistants, the money lenders, the policemen, the lawyers, the doctors etc.
These unassisted migrants mainly populated the urban centres while those that came in as assisted migrants formed the hundreds of rural Indian communities deep within the estates.
Promises unfulfilled
To further boost migration each labourer who had completed his/her indenture period of two years were promised a minimum of five acres each for them to settle in Malaya permanently.
So this is clear proof that for the most part Malayan Indians were not “pendatangs” but invitees of the Malay Rulers and British government then acting in the capacity of advising the Malay rulers.
But the promises of land were never fulfilled by the Malay Rulers and the British government ruling in Malaya.
The Indians effectively became slaves. For generations they had the ‘Nambikei’ that one day the British and the Malay Rulers would take care of them.
Even at the point of independence they were not granted land by the British as what had happened to similar workers exported by the Britishers to Guyana and Surinam.
Post independence the Indians went about their lives believing the estates would be forever. In the 1970’s however, when rubber price fell the government devised new plans for the economy and for the plantations.
These plans were to have disastrous effects on the lives of the estate workers in the ensuing years. The estate workers were evicted from the estates as these estates were turned into development land for commercial, industrial or residential purposes or were replanted with oil palms.
These workers were evicted without adequate compensation, housing, alternative temples, alternative job opportunities or new skills training.
Most estate workers are given compensation ranging from RM3,00 –RM5,000 in the 1970’s and in the current times about RM10,000 for working and contributing to the country’s economy for almost 4-5 generations – a pittance.
The implications of this devastating forced displacement are best understood by looking at the life of one evicted worker who is a 4th generation Malaysian Indian.
One sad tale
When she talked to me about the eviction, she was so distraught and she said that all the family had known was the estate for three generations. And they were summarily told to leave. Their option was to move to the fringes of the town adjacent to the estate.
Before this eviction their visits to the towns were mainly for some occasion. Otherwise their lives revolved within the estates. They had a small kebun, a couple of cows, some chicken and grew some vegetables.
The estate temple was the centre of their social and religious lives. Her parents were married in that temple; her marriage was in that temple too. Now it was all gone. So, too with the estate school. It was gone too.
Her community was completely destroyed when they were all evicted. Each family found their different ways out of this eviction and moved out helter skelter. Now she was staying in one of the low cost flats.
Before moving to these flats they had lived for many years on tanah haram. Their children now grown up had put together enough money to purchase this flat. If they had not, they would have been condemned to a perpetually squalid life in their tanah haram shacks.
With their incomes and the pittance for compensation there was no way they could have bought a flat on their own and no bank would give them a loan either to support their purchase.
This is just one of the stories of the 800,000 displaced estate workers. Each displaced worker will have a story similar to tell.
Almost all Indian households have a link to this common past. Most are still stuck in this trap of poverty.
Permanent solution needed
This is why Hindraf seeks a permanent solution in the form of state intervention to get these people out of the trap and to put them on a level playing field and to give them an even shot at life.
Without a proper program to support the displaced during the displacement process, the result contains many of the elements of the life described above.
When this kind of situation is occasional, you can say it is because of the individual. But when you see the same phenomenon repeated at a social scale across the country, it is no more individual caused.
This is exactly what the political class does not accept. The outcomes of these are daily visible in the social statistics – yet the politicians across both sides of the divide prefer to remain ignorant.
Their way of dismissing all this is to simply think of all our demands to correct this situation as “terlalu”.
The displaced estate worker problem is a long recognised problem by the elites. They just do not care enough to address it. These displaced workers are the ones that form the lowest ranks of Malaysian society.
The way they got there or what is needed to get them out of there is unique to the extent of the specific historical circumstances.
So, the statement of some half baked politicians that the source of poverty is the same for the Chinese, the Malays and the Indians is plain dumb and at best is just self serving.
P Waythamoorthy is the Hindraf chairperson. He has been on his hunger strike since March 10.
COMMENT
By P WaythamoorthyToday is the 10th day of my hunger viratham (hunger strike). Over the weekend we have had people streaming in steadily to the temple, all feeling an inner compulsion to share in my prayers.
The warm touches, the hugs, the tears, vibuthi to my forehead, their words, and their looks all keep feeding me with strength.
I may be getting weak physically but my strength to fight this oppressive system only gets stronger with every passing day and with every warm touch.
Today I want to write about Displaced Estate Workers to clarify some history. This knowledge of history and the consequences are necessary for informed decision making to solve national social problems, something which is sorely lacking. I hope this will help.
In my presentation at the UN office in Geneva in April 2008, I was not sure if using the term ‘Internally Displaced Persons’ for the evicted estate workers in Malaysia was appropriate,.
Part way through my presentation, I paused and asked the officials of the UN if the term ‘Internally Displaced Persons’ was accurate to describe the workers in Malaysia who were evicted from the estates and they readily agreed with me.
So, there we have it, another distinct problem that we have identified and given expression to.
The UN Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement defines internally displaced persons as “persons or groups of persons who have been forced or obliged to flee or to leave their homes or places of habitual residence, in particular as a result of or in order to avoid the effects of armed conflict, situations of generalised violence, violations of human rights or natural or human-made disasters, and who have not crossed an internationally recognised state border.”
Best for picking jobs
In the case of displaced Malaysian Indians they are forced to leave their homes and places of habitual residence as a result of development programs of the state and in violation of their fundamental rights.
The Indians have lived and worked in the estates for generations and in some cases the forefathers may have lived there as far as the late 1800s.
The British brought in South Indian labourers – whom they considered best for the picking jobs in the plantations for a good 100 years from 1830s- 1938.
They modified both British India policy as well as British Malaya policies with the tacit approvals of the Malay rulers to facilitate this mass movement.
They set up infrastructure on both sides of the ocean to facilitate the flow of South Indian labour, the British splurged on significant false propaganda to the gullible South Indian poor about the good life, about a good future in the “land of plenty in Malaya”.
The British offered free and heavily subsidised fares to travel to Penang, to Port Swettenham and to Singapore for these labourers from Nagapattinam, a port town in India.
These labourers could hardly afford the tickets from their villages to the port town of Nagapattinam let alone to Malaya.
Historical records that I have collated clearly tell this tale of forced migration to Malaya all for the profit of British enterprises and only for the profit of these enterprises.
This stream of migrants coming into Malaya was termed assisted migration. This accounted for the largest part of the migration.
There was yet another stream of migration called unassisted migration. These were the traders, the teachers, the hospital assistants, the money lenders, the policemen, the lawyers, the doctors etc.
These unassisted migrants mainly populated the urban centres while those that came in as assisted migrants formed the hundreds of rural Indian communities deep within the estates.
Promises unfulfilled
To further boost migration each labourer who had completed his/her indenture period of two years were promised a minimum of five acres each for them to settle in Malaya permanently.
So this is clear proof that for the most part Malayan Indians were not “pendatangs” but invitees of the Malay Rulers and British government then acting in the capacity of advising the Malay rulers.
But the promises of land were never fulfilled by the Malay Rulers and the British government ruling in Malaya.
The Indians effectively became slaves. For generations they had the ‘Nambikei’ that one day the British and the Malay Rulers would take care of them.
Even at the point of independence they were not granted land by the British as what had happened to similar workers exported by the Britishers to Guyana and Surinam.
Post independence the Indians went about their lives believing the estates would be forever. In the 1970’s however, when rubber price fell the government devised new plans for the economy and for the plantations.
These plans were to have disastrous effects on the lives of the estate workers in the ensuing years. The estate workers were evicted from the estates as these estates were turned into development land for commercial, industrial or residential purposes or were replanted with oil palms.
These workers were evicted without adequate compensation, housing, alternative temples, alternative job opportunities or new skills training.
Most estate workers are given compensation ranging from RM3,00 –RM5,000 in the 1970’s and in the current times about RM10,000 for working and contributing to the country’s economy for almost 4-5 generations – a pittance.
The implications of this devastating forced displacement are best understood by looking at the life of one evicted worker who is a 4th generation Malaysian Indian.
One sad tale
When she talked to me about the eviction, she was so distraught and she said that all the family had known was the estate for three generations. And they were summarily told to leave. Their option was to move to the fringes of the town adjacent to the estate.
Before this eviction their visits to the towns were mainly for some occasion. Otherwise their lives revolved within the estates. They had a small kebun, a couple of cows, some chicken and grew some vegetables.
The estate temple was the centre of their social and religious lives. Her parents were married in that temple; her marriage was in that temple too. Now it was all gone. So, too with the estate school. It was gone too.
Her community was completely destroyed when they were all evicted. Each family found their different ways out of this eviction and moved out helter skelter. Now she was staying in one of the low cost flats.
Before moving to these flats they had lived for many years on tanah haram. Their children now grown up had put together enough money to purchase this flat. If they had not, they would have been condemned to a perpetually squalid life in their tanah haram shacks.
With their incomes and the pittance for compensation there was no way they could have bought a flat on their own and no bank would give them a loan either to support their purchase.
This is just one of the stories of the 800,000 displaced estate workers. Each displaced worker will have a story similar to tell.
Almost all Indian households have a link to this common past. Most are still stuck in this trap of poverty.
Permanent solution needed
This is why Hindraf seeks a permanent solution in the form of state intervention to get these people out of the trap and to put them on a level playing field and to give them an even shot at life.
Without a proper program to support the displaced during the displacement process, the result contains many of the elements of the life described above.
When this kind of situation is occasional, you can say it is because of the individual. But when you see the same phenomenon repeated at a social scale across the country, it is no more individual caused.
This is exactly what the political class does not accept. The outcomes of these are daily visible in the social statistics – yet the politicians across both sides of the divide prefer to remain ignorant.
Their way of dismissing all this is to simply think of all our demands to correct this situation as “terlalu”.
The displaced estate worker problem is a long recognised problem by the elites. They just do not care enough to address it. These displaced workers are the ones that form the lowest ranks of Malaysian society.
The way they got there or what is needed to get them out of there is unique to the extent of the specific historical circumstances.
So, the statement of some half baked politicians that the source of poverty is the same for the Chinese, the Malays and the Indians is plain dumb and at best is just self serving.
P Waythamoorthy is the Hindraf chairperson. He has been on his hunger strike since March 10.
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