Thursday, 30 October 2008
Mahathir is back with a vengeance
KUALA LUMPUR, Oct 30 — With a hit count reaching almost nine million in just one year, it would not be wrong to describe former premier Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad as Malaysia's most successful blogger.
His blog, chedet.com, routinely attracts hundreds of comments, and is frequently quoted by the mainstream media. Ironically, he started the blog only because he was blacked out in the media for his harsh criticism of Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.
Five years to the day since his retirement in 2003, Dr Mahathir's influence seems to be growing steadily as Malaysia readies for a new prime minister by the end of March next year.
His every move is dissected for its significance. When he showed up at International Trade Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin's Hari Raya open house last week, it stirred much excitement as it was perceived as an endorsement of the minister. This can count for a lot in the upcoming election in Umno, whose members still love him.
Is Dr Mahathir making a political comeback? Not exactly. But there is a strong belief that his influence is on the rise.
Observers suggest that he could have a big say in the next administration after he played a key role in securing the early retirement of Abdullah, who was blamed for the poor showing of the Barisan Nasional in the March polls.
Many believe that Dr Mahathir's skilful manoeuvres behind the scenes were instrumental in getting Deputy Premier Datuk Seri Najib Razak to persuade Abdullah to retire earlier than his original plan of June 2010. The whiff of resurgent power has sent Umno leaders and the media flocking to Dr Mahathir again, and he is back in the limelight after five years of being out in the cold.
“His views are being reported more widely, precisely because many people think that he will make a comeback,” said political analyst Ong Kian Ming.
Professor Agus Yusoff, from Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, agreed that this was one perception, but felt that the bigger reason was the weakness of the current leadership.
“His views are being heard now because people are looking for better leadership. They see Dr Mahathir as experienced, and his views relevant,” he said.
Things have come full circle for Dr Mahathir, 82. His star dimmed soon after his retirement when Abdullah won a massive mandate in 2004. But the former premier soon sprang back into limelight after he began to give voice to public misgivings about Abdullah's weak administration.
His attacks gripped Malaysians for months in 2005, but they soon wore thin — until the March election that saw the BN suffer heavy losses. His campaign to topple his successor gained unstoppable momentum, returning him to a position of influence. Dr Mahathir's recent blog entry criticising the reach of vote-buying, or “money politics”, in Umno was debated widely in Umno circles.
His most recent acerbic comments on Najib's alleged young advisers sparked even more talk.
In a blog entry on Tuesday, he warned Najib not to repeat the mistake of cloistering himself with young advisers as Abdullah had, to the anger of Umno.
Dr Mahathir named consultancy firm Ethos as the Deputy Premier's adviser, and claimed that it also had links to Abdullah's young advisers.
“They (Ethos) are interested in getting a portion of the EPF worth RM300 billion to manage its investments, apparently with returns of up to 40 per cent,” he wrote, referring to the Employees Provident Fund.
The management of Ethos was quoted in The Edge business weekly recently about their interest in managing part of EPF investments. Najib has not responded.
Political observers believe that he will not marginalise the former premier, especially after seeing how Dr Mahathir's constant sniping damaged Abdullah's reputation.
“Najib will certainly prefer to have Dr Mahathir inside as an adviser rather than outside lobbing criticism at him,” said Ong.
This has led some people to predict a return of Mahathirism, suggesting a stronger hand on government than Abdullah's looser style. But Najib's supporters have denied this perception.
“Najib is not a puppet, he will have his own way and will want to make his own mark,” said Agus.
Meanwhile, Dr Mahathir's every move and word will continue to be watched, and his blog can expect to hit the 10 million mark very soon. — The Straits Times
Munawar’s sodomy conviction stays
The Malaysian Insider
by Debra Chong
PUTRAJAYA, Oct 30 — The Federal Court here today dismissed Dr Munawar Anees's application for an appeal against his 10-year-old sodomy conviction.
"We have decided that the application should be dismissed. We will give our grounds later," said Chief Justice Tan Sri Zaki Azmi, who led the three-member panel of judges.
Pakistan-born Munawar is a former speechwriter to opposition leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim when the latter was Deputy Prime Minister over a decade ago.
In mid September 1998, Munawar was arrested under the Internal Security Act and later charged in the Kuala Lumpur Sessions Court with sodomy alongside Anwar and Anwar's Indonesian adopted brother Sukma Darmawan.
Munawar pleaded guilty, as did Sukma. He was sentenced to six months’ jail, which he served.
Subsequently, he filed an appeal against his conviction on the grounds that his plea of guilty then was obtained through force while detained under the ISA.
His application was thrown out by the KL High Court in September 2003. Meanwhile, Anwar and Sukma were both cleared of the sodomy convictions.
Munawar took up the matter to the Court of Appeal. The matter was dismissed there as well in October last year though no grounds were given then.
The Federal Court was the last legal avenue available for Munawar's application.
The US-based project management consultant, now 60, had been waiting in court since 8.30am for the decision. He appeared dumbfounded by the decision. He rose up and left the courtroom swiftly.
Speaking to reporters on the grand staircase leading to the lobby of the Palace of Justice, he said: "This is a total disappointment. A total denial of justice. The system is playing with the lives of people.
"Where is the justice for me and my family?"
His voice continued to rise as his frustration became more apparent.
"I will not stop. The system has tried to fail me but it will not fail me. If I don't get justice in this country, my children and my grandchildren will stand up for the justice denied to me," Munawar pledged.
Lawyer Mabel Sebastian, who was standing in for Munawar's counsel Manjeet Singh Dhillon to receive the judgment today, said the next step was up to the latter.
Manjeet is away on business abroad and will only return next week.
Syed Hamid Albar vs. Hindraf on Indian marginalization
by H Lee
So Home Minister Syed Hamid Albar – in a decision, as he puts it, of self-sacrifice for the sake of protecting society – has banned Hindraf.
Similar home ministerial valour must have been present when he chose to detain Raja Petra, Teresa Kok, Tan Hoon Cheng and hundreds of others under the ISA.
Many Malaysians have expressed their outrage at the latest cruel and callous act of repression against a civil group which has highlighted the continuing plight of marginalised Malaysian Indians.
I would like to examine an aspect: the assertion that Malaysian Indians are not marginalised and are actually doing better than Bumiputera Malaysians, and thus, they have no grounds to feel
aggrieved, let alone angry. This is a cynical and specious claim.
We should first take note of the often ignored fact that the Malaysian Indian community is diverse, stratified and complex. Like any other.
Some are rich, some are part of the middle class, some are poor; some are posited in the mainstream, some are at the margins – and some are beyond the margins, trapped in urban squalor. The imperative question is whether the concerns of the Indian poor are being addressed by our
government’s attitudes and policies.
But the ruling regime would rather treat groups as monolithic blobs, then go about brandishing statistics to preempt debate - and stamp the lowly back into their place.
And so, in dismissing Hindraf’s cause, Syed Hamid invoked the reality of high proportions of Indians among registered legal professionals (21.4 percent) and among doctors (18.4 percent), and the ratio of Indian to Bumiputera household incomes, of… 1.20. That’s right, according to 2007 household income survey data, Indian households on average have 20 percent more income than Bumiputera households.
Is there something wrong with these figures? Why has the message of Hindraf resonated when official data paint opposing images of social mobility and nice averages?
There is no need to question the numbers, but every need to handle them responsibly, within context and in recognition of their limited scope. These bits of information provide no basis to conclude that all of the community is doing well and should therefore shut up and get on with their happy lives.
In fact, we do have evidence that Malaysians Indians are struggling as much as others to earn a decent living.
Averaging numbers
Of course there are many Indian lawyers and doctors – who’s not cognisant of that? But there are far more Indian labourers, factory workers, and others at the low reaches of the labour market.
It is highly probable that the household income of the Indian community is propped up by the high earnings of professionals and managers.
Meagre family incomes of displaced agricultural workers and urban elementary workers get shrouded in the process of averaging the incomes of all Indian families.
Consider some changes that have taken place in the past decade or so.
In 1995, 17.7 percent of employed Indians worked as agricultural labor, while 8.7 percent were in professional and technical occupations.
By 2005, only 4.9 percent of employed Indians were agricultural workers, but 20.1 percent worked as professionals and technicians.
Albeit rather cursorily, we gain some impression here of developments at two ends of the socio-economic hierarchy: the continuous urbanisation of a low-skilled former plantation workforce; a steadily growing presence in highly qualified jobs providing middle class living standards.
In what sort of jobs are most Indians working? Within communities, Indians registered the highest proportion of persons classified as production workers.
In 2005, 45.8 percent of employed Indians fell in this category, compared to 33.8 percent Chinese and 34.1 percent Bumiputera.
Due to the unfree state of information in this land, the most we can do with officially disclosed statistics is make deductions and inferences such as these.
We are still left with a knowledge gap.
However, a study by Branko Milanovic, a World Bank researcher and renowned scholar of global inequality, helps fill the void¹.
He analysed Malaysia’s household income data of 1997. This is from the national survey that the Statistics Department conducts twice in five years, from which all the inequality measurements we know are calculated.
One difference with the official accounts is that Milanovic focussed on individual earnings (wages, salaries and bonuses) instead of household income (the sum of household members’ earnings, property income and remittances). His findings are therefore more reflective of the earnings capacity of Malaysians in the labour market.
The housewife factor
The study analyses inequality more generally, but in the process finds something very striking: in 1997, the ratio of Indian to Bumiputera individual earnings was 0.98.
The official figure for Indian: Bumiputera household income was 1.41. In other words, the average earnings of individual Indians was basically the same as the average earnings of individual Bumiputera, even though average household incomes were quite unequal.
How might this be possible?
In terms of the gap between individual earnings inequality and household income inequality, we could postulate that combined earnings of Indians, especially in households with both spouses in professional jobs, raised their income to levels significantly higher than Bumiputera households.
This is a guess, and that’s as far as we can go with available data.
What’s not a guess is this objective report that average individual earnings of Indians and Bumiputeras were equal in 1997.
In 2007, with an Indian-to-Bumiputera household income ratio of 1.20, what might the inter-group earnings ratio look like? We don’t know, but it is more than likely that the ratio is less than 1.20.
It is possible that earnings are on average close to equal, or that Indian earnings are less than Bumiputera earnings.
Consider recent data on the distribution of employed persons by occupation.
In 2005, with 45.8 percent of the total employed Indians engaged as production workers and 4.9 percent as agricultural workers, it is plausible that average individual earnings are on par with the average among employed Bumiputera, of whom 34.1 percent are production workers and 15.2 percent are agricultural workers.
These two low-paying occupational groups account for about 50 percent of employed persons of both race groups.
Again, we won’t have a clear picture unless we have access to data and can engage in constructive discussion.
Hindraf has grounds
We have a clear enough picture, however, to affirm the plight of marginalised Indian households, whose tough circumstances in labour markets and poor living conditions are a shameful reality that cannot be garbed in middle-class statistics.
Hindraf has grounds for grievance – yes, even in the official data, if only we would take a more balanced and critical look.
And we could better understand this whole inequality thing, and devise fairer and more effective policies, if the ruling regime would release more information to our - um - knowledge society.
Resistance towards extending the same policies to members of the Indian community as currently provided to Bumiputera is partly predicated on official household income statistics.
But they give us an oversimplified and selective glimpse to a complex of problems.
It is high time to reevaluate the way we assess income and earnings and to aim assistance at the people who need or merit it most.
¹ Branko Milanovic (2006) “Inequality and Determinants of Earnings in Malaysia, 1984-97″, in the Asian Economic Journal, 20(2).Article 153 and the “Social Contract”
NO HOLDS BARRED
Raja Petra Kamarudin
My sedition trial will resume on 10th November 2008 after a three week postponement. Thus far six prosecution witnesses have testified and it appears like the prosecution has 10-13 more witnesses lined up.
Basically, the government is of the view that my article, “Let’s send the Altantuya murderers to hell”, is seditious. And to ensure that I am duly punished, other than facing trial, I am also under Internal Security Act detention. This means, even if the court acquits me, I shall still not be free. It is like taking double insurance. Either way you are covered.
I suppose sedition is the natural thing to charge me with. Moses was charged with sedition that he had to flee Egypt. Jesus was charged with sedition and the Christians believe he was executed because of that. Muhammad too was charged with sedition and the Muslims believe that God commanded him to flee Mecca lest he get murdered that same evening.
I am not trying to compare myself to the three main prophets of the Abrahamic religions. What I am trying to say is that if even the three most important prophets of the Jews, Christians and Muslim are not spared the allegation of sedition, then who am I to escape?
On 7th November, the court will decide if my ISA detention is legal. I could say that my freedom is now in the hands of the judge and may he rule wisely. And of course, to me, “wisely” would mean to free me – whereas that may not quite be the government’s view of “wise”.
Something significant of late was the Rulers’ statement on Article 153 and the “Social Contract”. We could say that this was historic as the Rulers have never thus far made such statements. Could this be said as something timely or something the Rulers should not have done? I really don’t know.
The Pakatan Rakyat Kedah state government’s ruling of imposing a 50% Bumiputra quota on houses in the state does not help either. Why 50%? Why even 30%? Should in the first place there even be a quota?
If you have not done so this you should read Zaid Ibrahim’s book “In Good Faith”, Zaid has addressed this matter of Article 153 and the “Social Contract” with great clarity.
What the Kedah state government has done is unconstitutional. Article 8 and Article 153 of the Constitution do not allow this. You just can’t dictate how people run their businesses.
Those who support the imposition of quotas argue that there exists a “Social Contract” that allows them to do so. But while they mention this “Social Contract”, they fail to mention the terms of this “contract”, what it says, and who is bound by it.
In short, if I am not a party to that contract can I be bound by it? The contract was entered into by the Malays and the then immigrant Indians and Chinese; of course it is not really a written contract as much as a verbal contract and we all know that a verbal contract is not worth the paper it is written on.
Nevertheless, should Malaysian-born Indians and Chinese who have never even visited India and China be made to abide to a verbal “contract” made by their immigrant parents and/or grandparents? How long will this “contract” run? Will Indians and Chinese 1000 years from now still be made to abide to a “contract” made in 1957?
There should be a cut-off date. There must come a point of time when all Malaysians are regarded as equal. How can an Indonesian who migrated to this country a few years ago be regarded as Bumiputra when Chinese and Indians who come to this country in the 1400s are still second class citizens?
Yes, Article 153 accords Malays certain rights and privileges. But that same Article, and Article 8, do not allow imposing of quotas and permits which deny Indians and Chinese their rights in favour of the Malays. This, many people do not seem to understand.
We also seem to have forgotten that the New Economic Policy is a two-pronged attack. Other than reducing the gap between the different races it is also about reducing the gap between the rich and the poor. And this would mean regardless of race.
When we talk about the Malay farmers and fisherman. We do not seem to realize that there are Chinese farmers and fishermen as well. Poverty does not recognize race.
It is time that the “Social Contract” be reviewed. A new “Social Contract” must be drawn up that looks into the SOCIAL structure and not RACIAL structure that the present “Social Contract” addresses. Only then can it be called a “Social Contract”. If not, then let us call it what it really is, a “Racial Contract”.
The poverty level also needs to be reviewed. The new “hardcore” poverty level should be RM1200. Anyone earning below RM1200 per month should be considered poor. That would mean a high percentage of Malaysians. Then the NEW “Social Contract” should address the needs of those who live below the NEW poverty level of RM1200.
And the NEW “Social Contract” should no longer be a verbal contract but chiseled in stone. And it should be a contract to take care of Malays, Indians, Chinese, Portuguese, Ibans, Dayaks, etc. As long as you are poor, meaning earning below RM1200 then you are taken care of. That should be Malaysia’s NEW SOCIAL CONTRACT.
Before I sign off, I would like to apologise for the quality of my articles. It is not so convenient to type from where I currently live so I need to just get my points across without much focus on the presentation. I hope this will not be for long and that I may soon be back with you. Anyway I was told that Malaysia Today is under control and in good hands. Till we speak again.Verdict On Friday For Altantuya's Murder Trial
Zalina Maizan Ngah, Bernama
The Shah Alam High Court will be at the centre of attention this Friday when judge Datuk Mohd Zaki Md Yasin delivers the verdict on the sensational murder trial of a Mongolian woman, Altantuya Shaariibuu.
Mohd Zaki's verdict will not only decide the fate of the three accused - Chief Inspector Azilah Hadri and Corporal Sirul Azhar Umar (both members of the Special Action Unit, UTK) and a renowned political analyst and strategist Abdul Razak Abdullah Baginda - but will also end wild speculations and rumours relating to the case.This high-profile case has generated a big following especially when there were rumours of a public figure linked to the murder, revelations of intimate involvement of one of the accused with the victim and some shady business dealings.
The trial on the gruesome murder of Altantuya who body was blown up using explosives to cover up the crime went on for almost two years with the prosecution winding up their case on June 23.
If the court's decides a prima facie against the trio, they will have to make their defence or if otherwise they will be discharged and freed.
KEEPING UP THEIR HOPES
When inquired by Bernama on the sidelines of the court proceedings what they would do if they were freed, Azilah, 32, who has an adopted child stated that "there are too many things to do, but above all I want to cuddle my child and hold a thanksgiving feast".
Sirul Azhar, 36, when asked the same only offered a smile, typical of this former aide de camp for VIPs who is known to be discreet. On the dock he sits quietly and once in a while he turns toward the members of the media sitting behind him to ask for sweets and pickled fruits.
Meanwhile Abdul Razak, 48, the Executive Director for Malaysian Strategic Research Centre wants to take a break overseas with his only daughter Rowena when everything is over.
Throughout the trial, Abdul Razak was accompanied by his wife Mazlinda Makhzan, his parents and close family members. However, at the initial stages, Mazlinda's presence made Altantuya's father, Shaariibuu Setev frown as he claimed she had verbally abused him and court officers went all out to keep them apart.
Even when Mazlinda was asked on the fate of her husband, she replied: "I will leave it to Allah. Razak is innocent."
Yet the drama did not end there. The 151 day proceeding witnessed many bizarre and hilarious incidents. Apart from this there was also a change in the presiding judge and the clash between two counsels on who should be representing one of the accused.
BIZARRE INCIDENTS
Abdul Razak caught the attention of the media with some of his antics in the courtroom. He had been noted to throw tantrums and even went to the extent of kicking the dock and cursing others. He kept pushing his counsel Wong Kian Kheong to speed up the trial without any deferment and this certainly incensed Deputy Public Prosecutor Tun Abdul Majid Tun Hamzah who ticked of Wong by saying that Abdul Razak is not the only person in prison.
The media hype had certainly attracted the wrong type of crowd into the courtroom as well. It was obvious some wanted to take advantage of the media coverage to be on the limelight, but for the wrong reasons.
Readers would probably recall the presence of a woman dressed like a counsel claiming that she was a representative of peace organisation and had the authority of the police and the Attorney-General's Department.
She wanted the media attention and would closely follow the cameras and even refused to take a back seat. When there were no seats available she would insist the court officials to make special seating arrangements for her. Her presence was unwelcome and she even dared to intercept the judge.
When her behaviour became intolerable, not only because of her constant nagging but also her handphone that rang often, a police report was made and she eventually disappeared.
During the initial stages of the hearing there appeared another woman who claimed that she was a representative of a women's right organisation carrying a placard condemning Abdul Razak for the brutal slaying of Altantuya.
The one-woman demonstration did not go down well with the police as it was seen as disturbing the public order and the police gave her a warning and told her to leave the court compound.
However, the woman in her late 40s remained unfazed and instead shouted back at the unarmed policemen, "I have the rights, you police can stop me using your firearms, let the public be the witness".
151 DAY TRIAL
Azilah and Sirul Azhar who covered their faces using the 'ninja' mask set a new trend for accused in other cases and when inquired by Bernama why they did so Azilah had this to say: "Life is long way to go, there are some things best kept secret."
Another drama that unfolded at the 151 day trial was that a policeman stationed at the courtroom Lans Corporal Othman Abdul Rahman, 47, collapsed when accompanying the three accused to the courtroom and was later confirmed dead due to heart failure.
Azilah and Sirul Azhar were alleged to have murdered Altantuya between Lot 12843 and Lot 16735 Mukim Bukit Raja, Shah Alam, between 10 pm 19 Oct and 1 am 20 Oct 2006. The duo was well versed in the use of explosives and was said to have taken the plastic explosives, detonator cord and CLC (cutting liner charge) from the UTK storeroom.
Abdul Razak who is alleged to have abetted with the two UTK members, is said to have committed the crime on Oct 18 2006 at his office at 10th Floor, Bangunan Lembaga Getah Asli Malaysia (LGAM), Jalan Ampang in Kuala Lumpur and the motive of the murder is due to demands and threats from Altantuya.
Based on the evidence adduced from the prosecution witness Deputy Superintendent Muhammad Koey Abdullah, the explosives were probably placed in the victim's mouth or the upper torso and the impact reduced her bones to fragments. On the puzzle why no traces of the victim's clothing were found, Dr Mohd Shah Mahmood, the Head of the Forensic Medical Department at the Kuala Lumpur Hospital (HKL), explained the victim was probably stripped of her clothing before being blown up.
JUDGE TO PORE OVER 6,000 PAGES OF PROCEEDING NOTES
However, lawyer J. Kuldeep Kumar and Datuk Hazman Ahmad who represented Azilah were persistent that their client was no way involved in the murder and the Azilah was not the one who led the police to the crime scene.
Sirul Azhar's counsel Kamarul Hisham Kamaruddin, Hasnal Redzua Marican and Ahmad Zaidi Zainal pleaded their client's innocence and stated that he was victimised just because Altantuya's jewellery were found his home. On Atlantuya's blood stained sneakers found on Sirul Azhar's four wheel drive, they claimed anyone could have left it there as the vehicle could be accessed by others as well.
Wong who represented Abdul Razak held that his client had nothing to do with Altantuya's murder and throughout the trial there was no proof that the murder was carried out under Abdul Razak's behest. He also questioned the failure of the prosecution to call several senior police officers during the trial.
Nevertheless, Mohd Zaki will make his decision based on the evidence provided by the 84 witnesses that has been compiled into 6,000 pages of proceeding notes.
Prior to delivering the decision on the main charge, Mohd Zaki is expected to decide on the prosecution's application to challenge the credibility of Lans Corporal Rohaniza Roslan (Azilah's girlfriend), the decision on trial within trial on Altantuya's jewellery found at Sirul Azhar's home and on the statement by police that Azilah is the one who led them to the crime scene.
Nonetheless, all the allegations and speculations will be put to rest on Friday when Mohd Zaki delivers his verdict.
Tunku Aziz: PKNS staff shouldn’t interfere
Staff at the Selangor State Development Corporation (PKNS) should respect the menteri besar’s prerogative in appointing a non-Malay to head the state agency, said DAP vice-chairperson Tunku Abdul Aziz Ibrahim.
“I hope the menteri besar’s decision is respected by all and the PKNS staff will focus on doing their work professionally instead of questioning the prerogative of the state government to appoint the most suitable person for the post,” he said in a statement today.
Tunku Abdul Aziz was commenting on protests by six staff bodies against the appointment of the corporation’s deputy corporate affairs and accounting manager Low Siew Moi as acting general manager.
The decision by Selangor Menteri Besar Khalid Ibrahim to appoint Low was met with objection from the corporation’s own staff who submitted a protest memorandum to him.
At the same time Selangor PAS wanted to suggest its own candidate besides helping the state government find a suitable candidate.
Tunku Abdul Aziz expressed “great concerns” over the opposition shown by the staff bodies and opposition coalition partner PAS against Low’s appointment on the grounds that the post should be filled up by a bumiputera.
Tunku Abdul Aziz said that the opposition based on someone’s ethnic background augured badly for ethnic relations and national unity.
“The interference by the senior staff of PKNS runs counter to established management practices and may well be the result of the race-based policies and indoctrination that the nation had been subjected to for the better part of 50 years or so,” he said.
‘Blind prejudice’
Tunku Abdul Aziz urged Malaysians to put aside “blind prejudices” and recognise that progress required the recognition for efforts and contributions of all citizens regardles of ethnicity or gender.
On the contrary, he said that a culture had developed where merit was overlooked while “less than relevant considerations” such as ethnicity and religion were prioritised.
“It is indeed sad that while we have progressed in economic and material terms, our nation is still bound to old ways of thinking and acting that have no place in a modern democratic society,” he said.
The Selangor government, in particular Khalid, has come under fire from various groups and media over Low’s appointment.
Filling the gap
In a statement yesterday, Khalid defended Low’s appointment, adding that she was the most suitable candidate to fill the post for the time being.
Khalid said Low’s appointment should not be an issue because it was only temporary as she was needed to stand in to replace the void left by the current PKNS general manager Harun Salim would be retiring at the end of the month.
Low, who is due to retire this year, was given an extention to undertake the new post.
Khalid had explained that if both Low and Harun retired at about the same time, it could affect to smooth running of PKNS.
Thus the state had asked Low to defer her retirement by a year until a suitable bumiputera successor was found, he had said.
Low was also quoted in the media as saying that a bumiputera candidate should be appointed to continue steering the government agency.
Salleh Abas rests his case
"In none of these correspondences has the Bar Council ever provided any explanation other than that I have not met with the requirement of the Rule 60 (1) ... only now members of the Bar Council have finally come out to give a clearer picture ..." - Tun Salleh Abas
Please click on the press satement to enlarge.
Please click on the press satement to enlarge.
Ambiga pleads for ISA repeal
By Adib Zalkapli
KUALA LUMPUR, Oct 29 – Bar Council president Datuk Ambiga Sreenevasan made an impassioned plea today to Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Badawi to abolish the Internal Security Act before he leaves office next year.
"Prime Minister, while it may still be in your means to do so, and as a historic legacy to this nation that both you and I love, I ask you, on behalf of all right thinking Malaysians and on behalf of the legal fraternity of Malaysia, to move to abolish the ISA," Ambiga said in her speech at the opening of the 21st Lawasia Conference here.
She said the enforcement of the ISA had diverted from the original intention for which it was enacted.
"One can see how far we have strayed from the original intent of the ISA when a blogger, a politician, a journalist and a civil society organiser can, independently of each other, be seen as threats to national security," said Ambiga referring to recent ISA arrests.
In September, blogger Raja Petra Kamaruddin, lawmaker Teresa Kok and Sin Chew Daily journalist Tan Hoon Cheng,were arrested under the ISA. Tan was released less than 24 hours later and Kok was released after one week. Raja Petra is currently is serving a two-year detention order.
Abdullah, however, was non committal when responding to Ambiga's appeal, but hinted that the law will not be abolished.
"I am happy to hear that she raised this issue without fear or favour. As the Home Minister, I have discharged my responsibility without fear or favour," said Abdullah in his keynote address.
Late last year, Abdullah as the Home Minister ordered the detention of five Hindraf leaders after they led a street protest in Kuala Lumpur demanding the government stop discriminating against the Indian community.
On his pledge to reform the judiciary, Abdullah said the plan to form the Judicial Appointment Commission is on track.
"Work on the relevant legislation is progressing well and the government aims to table the relevant legislation to establish the commission by the end of the year," he added.
Fatwa on yoga next
PENANG, Oct 29 - The National Fatwa Council will come out with a ruling relating to the yoga exercise soon.
The announcement would be made by the council’s chairman, Prof Datuk Dr Abdul Shukor Husin, said Deputy Director-General (Operations) of the Department of Islamic Development Malaysia (Jakim) Othman Mustapha.
He told reporters this after opening the two-day seminar on Islamic Jurisprudence and Eternal Islamic Thinking at Universiti Sains Malaysia jointly organised by the Islamic Studies Division of the university’s Human Knowledge Study Centre and Jakim here today.
Yesterday, lecturer Prof Zakaria Stapa of Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia’s Islamic Studies Centre advised Muslims to stop practising yoga for fear that it could deviate their belief. - Bernama
Wednesday, 29 October 2008
Karpal: No porn actors in the cabinet, ple
| GEORGE TOWN: Former MCA president Tun Dr Ling Liong Sik's controversial statement that it was not a problem for men to release their "extra energy as long as they don't talk about it or get caught" came under fire again. National DAP chairman Karpal Singh said Dr Ling's statement belied his stature as a Tun and a former minister. "It is shocking that he said it. He should mind his language.... His views could adversely affect society and lead to the break-up of the marriage institution," said Karpal in a statement. "I hope that he will not, in the interest of the public, be included in the cabinet again in view of the imminent cabinet reshuffle." |
How did RM1.1 billion Eurocopter deal balloon to RM1.67 billion even before issue of LOI?
The Prime Minister-cum-Defence Minister, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi announced yesterday that the defence procurement of 12 Cougar EC725 Eurocopter helicopters had been put on hold until better economic times – making history of the shortest-lived multi-billion ringgit defence deal between the issue of Letter of Intent (LOI) and its cancellation.
He has created more queries about the Eurocopter deal now put on hold, which must be answered either by Abdullah in the Defence Ministry reply in the budget debate in Parliament beginning today as well as the subject of the Public Accounts Committee inquiry into the Eurocopter deal, including:
1. Abdullah said that the Eurocopter deal is worth RM1.67 billion and not RM2.3 billion. This figure is also at variance with the price quoted by the Defence Ministry secretary-general Datuk Abu Bakar Abdullah who said last week that the tender price of the Eurocopter helicopters was RM1.l billion. How did the RM1.1 billion Eurocopter deal balloon to RM1.67 billion even before the issue of LOI?
2. Abdullah contradicted Abu Bakar as the latter had said that Eurocopter bid was selected in preference over the other six tender bids because “the company had a complete tender offer that obtained the highest marks based on technical evaluation, an offset package while also being at a reasonable price”.
Eurocopter had announced that its “offset package” if successful in the helicopter procurement is a RM250 million investment in Malaysia, including upgrading Eurocopter Malaysia’s maintenance, repair and overhaul (MRO) capacity in its Subang facility.
However, Abdullah denied the “offset package” was a factor, stating that the government did not ask for a RM350 million development package from Eurocopter for the Subang Aviation Park, adding: “Whatever they want to do, it is up to them. As far as I have been told, they offered it in the tender, we did not ask for it.”
The PAC should inquire into the “offset” dimension of the tender and report on the comparative “offset packages” of all the tender bids for the helicopter procurement.
3. Abdullah also justified the price as compared to the 50 Super Cougars procured by Brazil - at RM141 million per Cougar helicopter (at RM1.67 billion) for Malaysia as compared to RM84 million per Super Cougar helicopter by Brazil, claiming that the 12 Eurocopter units ordered by Malaysia are more expensive as they had different specifications.
He said: “Our requirements are more advanced. That obviously would come with a higher price,” adding that the Malaysian Eurocopters would be capable of search and rescue missions, combat operations and other duties.
PAC should investigate and report on this matter.
4. PAC should broaden its investigation into the history of Nuri helicopters crashes in the past 40 years, costing the government RM86.9 million in losses from 15 crashes, involving 70 officers and personnel apart from 19 deaths.
The first Nuri helicopter crash was on 25th April 1969 killing four RMAF personnel while the last fatal one was in Genting Sampah on 13th July 2007 claiming six lives. A RMAF inquiry concluded that there was no mechanical fault in the Genting Sampah crash.
The PAC should submit a report to Parliament to study all the reasons for all the Nuri helicopter crashes, whether as a result of human error or mechanical and helicopter faults.
96 Hindu and 37 Buddhist temples demolished between 2004 and 2007
NST, Oct 28 2008
A total of 96 Hindu and 37 Buddhist temples were demolished in Selangor between 2004 and 2007.
However, so far this year, 54 new applications had been approved by the committee task with regulating non-Muslim places of worship.
Among the applications are for 25 Hindu temples, 19, Buddhist temples and 10 churches.
Dr Xavier, who was answering a question from Lee Ying Ha (PR-Teretai), said although the applications had been approved by the committee, they would still need to be approved by the state executive council before the new places of worship could be built.
Among the applications are for 25 Hindu temples, 19, Buddhist temples and 10 churches.
Dr Xavier, who was answering a question from Lee Ying Ha (PR-Teretai), said although the applications had been approved by the committee, they would still need to be approved by the state executive council before the new places of worship could be built.
Running Away
A few days ago, I was talking to a friend. A meandering dialogue, it was really an excuse for us to reconnect as friends do. And as these exchanges tend to, we drifted into matters of family. She spoke about her children, her brother, the usual assortment of fears and hopes, funny moments, painful ones. I reciprocated.
At some point I began to talk about my father. And as I progressed into my narrative, she suddenly remarked that it was as if I was describing someone very different from the person I had talked about a year and a half ago. I thought about it and understood that she was right. The person I had just been describing was a warm, humorous and slightly dotty academic who, in the recounting of his madcap adventures across the globe in search of his truths, came across as a less sexy version of Sean Connery in his role as Indiana Jones’ father. The father I had described the year before was a quiet, reserved man so removed from his context and so driven in his academic research that he was virtually impossible to relate to. So much so that I had at times wondered what it was that he was running away from.
It struck me then that my father had not changed. I wondered whether I had been romanticizing my account of my father. Writers tend to exaggeration in the name of art, they call it artistic licence, and I was really a closet writer who had stumbled into the practice of law. But then I reconsidered, if that were the case why had I not done that before and, if the truth were to be told, our relationship had always been disjointed. I saw that there had to be another reason.
The more I thought about it, the more I became convinced that I was the reason. I had changed, it seemed, and in as big a way that allowed black to have somehow become white. How that had happened, what had caused that shift in me, these were things I was less sure of.
Over the next few days, I kept on going back to that insight, twisting and turning it in my mind to look at it from different angles. I gnawed at it like a dog with a bone, trying to extract its essence. Slowly, my ruminations took me through the ebb and flow of the preceding year. Gradually, realization dawned.
At some point, I had accepted him; the good, the bad, everything. More crucially, I had accepted that I was his son and that without him, I would not have journeyed down that road that allowed me to become who I was and who I was becoming. My father may have been running, but I had been on my own long distance run. One that had instead of taking me towards where I wanted to get to had taken me away from it. I had stopped running. There was no reason to any longer; there had never been one.
And I saw then that we had to stop running away from who it is that we are.
For years we have fought off any idea of a real Malaysian identity, one in which we could just simply be Malaysian without having to underscore whether we were Malay, Chinese, Indian, Kadazan, Iban or anything else. We have done this not because we know that we cannot have such an identity but because we have preferred to believe in a fiction that had over the years been constructed on the foundation of pain, anguish and hopelessness that enforced separation from one another has caused us all.
It is in the interests of those who prefer to say that a Malaysian identity, a Bangsa Malaysia, is a myth, or that it can only be built around a national identity that prefers one aspect of our beautifully diverse lives, to perpetuate the reasons that keep us apart. The proof that what it is they say is the myth and that each and every one of us has a role in creating, nurturing and evolving our national identity, lies all around us. We just have to want to see it: the way we eat each other’s food and how that food has in a way become all our food, the way we celebrate each other’s festivals with as much gusto as we would ours as if they were our own, the mixed marriages and the children they have blessed this country with, the common dreams and ambitions, the aspirations of our young, our collective destiny.
What are these if not aspects of who it is we all are?
What makes us uniquely Malaysian is our difference and the way we embrace it as one community, warts and all. If we could begin to see that, then that day when we topple that foundation of illusions, and with it that edifice that has for far too long cast a gloom over us, will dawn.
My father is my father and I am his son. I am a Malaysian and I want to stop running.
Malik Imtiaz Sarwar
At some point I began to talk about my father. And as I progressed into my narrative, she suddenly remarked that it was as if I was describing someone very different from the person I had talked about a year and a half ago. I thought about it and understood that she was right. The person I had just been describing was a warm, humorous and slightly dotty academic who, in the recounting of his madcap adventures across the globe in search of his truths, came across as a less sexy version of Sean Connery in his role as Indiana Jones’ father. The father I had described the year before was a quiet, reserved man so removed from his context and so driven in his academic research that he was virtually impossible to relate to. So much so that I had at times wondered what it was that he was running away from.
It struck me then that my father had not changed. I wondered whether I had been romanticizing my account of my father. Writers tend to exaggeration in the name of art, they call it artistic licence, and I was really a closet writer who had stumbled into the practice of law. But then I reconsidered, if that were the case why had I not done that before and, if the truth were to be told, our relationship had always been disjointed. I saw that there had to be another reason.
The more I thought about it, the more I became convinced that I was the reason. I had changed, it seemed, and in as big a way that allowed black to have somehow become white. How that had happened, what had caused that shift in me, these were things I was less sure of.
Over the next few days, I kept on going back to that insight, twisting and turning it in my mind to look at it from different angles. I gnawed at it like a dog with a bone, trying to extract its essence. Slowly, my ruminations took me through the ebb and flow of the preceding year. Gradually, realization dawned.
At some point, I had accepted him; the good, the bad, everything. More crucially, I had accepted that I was his son and that without him, I would not have journeyed down that road that allowed me to become who I was and who I was becoming. My father may have been running, but I had been on my own long distance run. One that had instead of taking me towards where I wanted to get to had taken me away from it. I had stopped running. There was no reason to any longer; there had never been one.
And I saw then that we had to stop running away from who it is that we are.
For years we have fought off any idea of a real Malaysian identity, one in which we could just simply be Malaysian without having to underscore whether we were Malay, Chinese, Indian, Kadazan, Iban or anything else. We have done this not because we know that we cannot have such an identity but because we have preferred to believe in a fiction that had over the years been constructed on the foundation of pain, anguish and hopelessness that enforced separation from one another has caused us all.
It is in the interests of those who prefer to say that a Malaysian identity, a Bangsa Malaysia, is a myth, or that it can only be built around a national identity that prefers one aspect of our beautifully diverse lives, to perpetuate the reasons that keep us apart. The proof that what it is they say is the myth and that each and every one of us has a role in creating, nurturing and evolving our national identity, lies all around us. We just have to want to see it: the way we eat each other’s food and how that food has in a way become all our food, the way we celebrate each other’s festivals with as much gusto as we would ours as if they were our own, the mixed marriages and the children they have blessed this country with, the common dreams and ambitions, the aspirations of our young, our collective destiny.
What are these if not aspects of who it is we all are?
What makes us uniquely Malaysian is our difference and the way we embrace it as one community, warts and all. If we could begin to see that, then that day when we topple that foundation of illusions, and with it that edifice that has for far too long cast a gloom over us, will dawn.
My father is my father and I am his son. I am a Malaysian and I want to stop running.
(Malay Mail; 28th October 2008)
Malik Imtiaz Sarwar
A sad Deepavali
OCT 27 — It is a sad Deepavali for members and supporters of the Hindu Rights Action Force. Their organisation has just been outlawed and their leaders are still detained without trial under the Internal Security Act.
They have recently heard Home Minister Datuk Seri Syed Hamid Albar's decree that their organisation was detrimental to peace, public order, security and the moral values of Malaysia
They have also heard Inspector-General of Police Tan Sri Musa Hassan's claim that Hindraf's status was akin to a secret society.
And like many Malaysians, they are wondering why their organisation was banned just a couple of weeks after they attended a Hari Raya open house at the PWTC in Kuala Lumpur to present a card to Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi asking him to release their leaders detained under the ISA.
Many of them are still puzzled on how they could be accused of gate-crashing an "open house".
Even those who don't support Hindraf — some Malaysians think the group exaggerated claims of the Indian community being marginalised — thought it was just "rude" of them to ask the five-year-old daughter of exiled Hindraf leader P. Waythamoorthy to deliver the card — deemed political by some people — to the Prime Minister at such an event.
But they didn't expect that such an out-of-protocol act — which also included some supporters of blogger Raja Petra Kamarudin, also detained under the ISA, who wore T-shirts bearing the slogans "Free RPK" and "No to ISA" at the same Aidilfitri open house — would result in the banning of Hindraf.
Waythamoorthy has said that the ban would not banish the spirit and idea that created it.
"Hindraf represents the Indian commoner, the hard-working oily-faced man who is made fun of in the streets, and the man who people step on, the man who walks past you yet you notice him not."
As no one can kill off the spirit of perjuangan Melayu in Umno, it is almost impossible to destroy the idea of Makkal Sakthi (people's power) brought about by Hindraf that helped the opposition to wrest power from four states and deny the Barisan Nasional's two-thirds majority in Parliament in the last general election.
Just days before Deepavali, a group of Indian Malaysians were arrested when they tried to send a letter to the Prime Minister's office. Among those brought to the police station was a six-year-old girl.
Earlier, Pas president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang had described the Hindraf members' presence at the Cabinet's Hari Raya open house as part and parcel of democracy.
"I don't think it was rude. That's democracy. In the United States, people demonstrate in front of the White House," he said recently.
Hindraf members did exactly the same thing at opposition leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim's Hari Raya open house in Kampung Baru, Kuala Lumpur, and instead of harassment from the organisers or the police, they were welcomed with open arms.
The opposition Pakatan Rakyat has criticised the ban on Hindraf.
"For the past few years, there were many coalition bodies, NGOs and concerned groups that have come up to champion various issues. We are surprised why only Hindraf is targeted.
"We are worried that this action to restrict civil rights will only anger the Indian community and add to more racial tension," said its spokesman Pas secretary-general Datuk Kamaruddin Jaffar.
However, the Dewan Rakyat Speaker recently rejected an emergency motion to debate the ban, citing "no urgency" to discuss the matter brought up by DAP vice-chairman M. Kulasegaran.
In his argument, the Ipoh Barat MP said: "Instead of using harsh, terror tactics, the authorities should engage Hindraf and resolve the fundamental problems of poverty and lack of opportunity that the Indian community faces. The ham-fisted move to ban Hindraf will only aggravate the disaffection of the Indian community towards the BN".
Many Indian Malaysians were loyal supporters of BN but Hindraf opened their eyes to problems of discrimination and neglect. Some joined Parti Keadilan Rakyat while others the DAP but many more have remained non-partisan
For many Indian Malaysians, they hope the spirit of Deepavali — the triumph of good over evil — will prevail. The Malays too might want to remember the wayang kulit epic about the triumphant return of Seri Rama and Sita Dewi after the hero rescued his wife who was kidnapped by the demon king Rawana, and that the couple later lived happily ever after.
It may be a myth to many but it is still an inspiring story despite the current sad mood for some people in celebrating this year's festival of lights.
Hindraf 5's case adjourned, Federal Court ordered to write judgment
PUTRAJAYA, Oct 28 - The hearing of an application for a judicial review by five Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) leaders detained under the Internal Security Act was adjourned today because there was no written judgment by the Federal Court.
Federal Court judge Datuk Nik Hashim Nik Abdul Rahman, who presided over the hearing, ordered the previous Federal Court panel which made the decision to write the judgment as the court could not proceed without the grounds of judgment.
Justice Nik Hashim, who sat with justices Datuk S. Augustine Paul and Datuk Zulkefli Ahmad Makinudin, then adjourned the hearing until the written grounds of judgment are ready.
Earlier, counsel for the five men, Karpal Singh, informed the court that today’s hearing was for a judicial review of the Federal Court’s rejection of their habeas corpus appeal to be freed but the grounds of judgment had yet to be written.
On May 14 2008, a three-member panel of the Federal Court headed by Chief Judge of Malaya Datuk Alauddin Mohd Sheriff (now Court of Appeal President) dismissed their appeal after ruling that the order for their detention at the ISA camp in Kamunting, Taiping, by Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who was also the Internal Security Minister then, was lawfully executed.
The five are lawyers M. Manoharan, 46, who is also the state assemblyman for Kota Alam Shah, P. Uthayakumar, 46, V. Ganabatirau, 40, R. Kenghadharan, 40, and former bank officer K. Vasantha Kumar, 36.
They were held under the ISA on Dec 13 after being involved in street demonstrations in Kuala Lumpur on Nov 25 and issuing slanderous statements against the government.
They took the case to the Federal Court after failing to get the High Court to release them. - BernamaSelangor MB defends decision to appoint Low Siew Moi SDC acting GM
• Low's tenure as PKNS boss may be shortlived
Bernama
SHAH ALAM, Oct 28 (Bernama) -- Selangor Menteri Besar Tan Sri Abdul Khalid Ibrahim on Tuesday defended his move to appoint the Selangor State Development Corporation's (SDC) deputy corporate affairs and accounting manager Low Siew Moi as acting general manager, saying it should not be an issue.
Bernama
SHAH ALAM, Oct 28 (Bernama) -- Selangor Menteri Besar Tan Sri Abdul Khalid Ibrahim on Tuesday defended his move to appoint the Selangor State Development Corporation's (SDC) deputy corporate affairs and accounting manager Low Siew Moi as acting general manager, saying it should not be an issue.
Khalid's decision was met with objection from the corporation's own staff who submitted a protest memorandum to him this morning, while Selangor PAS wants to suggest its own candidate besides helping the state government find a suitable candidate.
"The tasks of the Selangor SDC is to develop the state and Bumiputera community under the New Economic Policy, but the results have been rather unsatisfactory," he told a news conference after the state assembly sitting, here.
"If the Malays manage this themselves and they do not benefit from it, then we have to look at the matter seriously.
"People get angry over such a change (appointment) but their stand is different when millions of ringgit go down the drain," he said.
Khalid said Low's appointment should not be an issue because it was only temporary as the current Selangor SDC general manager Datuk Harun Salim would be retiring at the end of the month, while Low herself admitted that a Bumiputera should be appointed to continue steering the government agency.
On another matter, he said the state's 2009 Budget tabled by him was approved by the assembly without any amendment.
Khalid said the state assembly also passed the Contempt for the House Bill 2008 to protect the sanctity of the House, whereby individuals who committed offences such as refusing to testify in investigations carried out by the special committee set up by the House, would face action.
He said the state assembly would have the right to request the Attorney-General (AG) to act against the offenders, and this procedure was akin to the system used by the United States Congress.
Asked why the need to get the AG's assistance, he said the state had no such power, so it would have to advise the AG. "If this is not effective, we will come out with another enactment," he added.
PAC Chairman Azmi should withdraw from PAC Eurocopter Inquiry because of “close proximity”
Datuk Azmi Khalid, the Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee (PAC), should personally withdraw from the PAC inquiry into the RM2.3 billion 12 Cougar EC725 Eurocopter deal because of his “close proximity” to the Executive as two-term member of the Cabinet until seven months ago.
Azmi’s background as a two-term Cabinet Minister under Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi would be important considerations to the Prime Minister why Azmi is regarded as politically suitable, stable, reliable and trustworthy candidate as PAC Chairman although from the perspective of established parliamentary conventions in mature democracies, these same factors would be regarded as precisely the reason why he is not suitable or qualified for the post.
In fact, in mature and developed parliamentary democracies, the Chairman of PAC is invariably from a senior Opposition MP, and not an MP from the administration, let alone a person who had just been a two-term Minister under the Prime Minister-of-the-day.
Credibility is greatly stretched for anyone to believe that a two-term Minister would be prepared to be very zealous to conduct a no-holds-barred PAC investigation into any major government irregularity or impropriety like the RM2.3 billion 12 Cougar EC725 Eurocopter deal – especially as Azmi was a Minister in the original Cabinet decision of 18th July 2007 to phase out the Nuri fleet of helicopters after the latest Nuri helicopter crash the week before.
As the maxim goes, justice must not only be done but must be seen to be done. Any hint of conflict-of-interest whether arising from “close proximity” as a two-term Cabinet Member of the Prime Minister-of-the-day or other reasons should be avoided at all costs.
Azmi Khalid should therefore withdraw from any PAC inquiry into the RM2.3 billion Cougar EC725 Eurocopter deal, and the full responsibility for conducting the helicopter investigation should devolve to the Deputy PAC Chairman Dr. Tan Seng Giaw (DAP – Kepong).
Two weeks ago, after the Parliamentary Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and I queried the propriety and integrity of the Cougar EC725 helicopter deal in Parliament, the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi said that he would probe allegations that there were irregularities in the multi-billion ringgit defence procurement.
The silence of Abdullah, who is also Defence Minister, in the past fortnight on this issue has been deafening.
Abdullah had also said that the Anti-Corruption Agency will also look into the helicopter deal.
Has this been done?
The PAC investigation into the RM2.3 billion Cougar EC725 Eurocopter helicopter deal cannot be used as an excuse for Abdullah as the Defence Minister to avoid giving a proper reply to the issues raised by Pakatan Rakyat MPs on the deal during the budget debate.
I for one will be looking forward to Abdullah’s response to the various queries raised in Parliament and outside on the RM2.3 billion Cougar EC725 Eurocopter deal during the four-day Ministerial replies in Parliament starting tomorrow.
TINGKAT EMPAT NAJIB?
1. Satu inovasi yang diperkenalkan oleh Dato Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi apabila sahaja dia menjadi Perdana Menteri ialah penubuhan satu badan penasihat khas yang dianggotai oleh menantu, anak dan kawan-kawan muda mereka. Kononnya mereka ini bijak dan pandai lebih daripada orang yang lebih tua dan berpengalaman. Pendapat mereka ini lebih dipercayai oleh Abdullah daripada Kabinet atau Majlis Tertinggi UMNO.
2. Lulusan Oxford dan Cambridge memang dianggap istimewa, tetapi yang lulus dari universiti-universiti ini bercambah dan ia tidak menjamin kebolehan yang luarbiasa. Lagi pun, orang-orang muda ini tidak punyai pengalaman mendalam dalam pentadbiran, politik dan ekonomi negara.
3. Yang lebih buruk ialah mereka mempunyai kepentingan tertentu dan berhajat untuk mendapat pulangan wang yang banyak daripada pengaruh mereka keatas Perdana Menteri dan Kerajaan.
5. Dengan perletakan jawatan Abdullah pada Mac 2009, timbalannya Dato Seri Najib akan mengambilalih dan menjadi Perdana Menteri. Apakah Najib akan bebas daripada jenis penasihat ala Tingkat Empat?
6. Saya diberitahu Najib juga mempunyai penasihat muda yang amat berpengaruh terhadapnya. Mereka ini mempunyai hubungan rapat dengan menantu Abdullah dan Tingkat Empat, bahkan mereka adalah daripada kumpulan yang sama.
7. Mempunyai penasihat bagi PM adalah baik. Tetapi apabila penasihat mempunyai syarikat sendiri dan dapat menggunakan pengaruh ke atas Perdana Menteri untuk meraih keuntungan daripada projek-projek Kerajaan atau dana-dana yang dimiliki oleh Kerajaan nasihat yang diberi mungkin terpengaruh dengan minat untuk memperkayakan diri.
8. Kita lihat peranan yang dimainkan oleh ECM-Libra. Apakah Ethos, yang juga terlibat dengan Tingkat Empat, akan menjadi seperti ECM-Libra? Ethos Capital, sebuah syarikat pelaburan jenis Equity Capital tidak banyak berbeza daripada hedge fund. Mereka amat berminat untuk dapat sebahagian dari tabung Kumpulan Wang Simpanan Pekerja (KWSP) yang sekarang berjumlah RM300 bilion untuk mereka mengurus pelaburannya, kononnya dengan pulangan 40 peratus. Najib mungkin ingat bagaimana Orange County di California menjadi bankrap kerana pelaburan dalam hedge fund.
9. Nasihat badan penasihat yang dianggotai oleh orang-orang muda yang amat disanjungi oleh Tun Musa Hitam telah bawa bencana kepada Abdullah. Najib harus berhati-hati supaya pisang tidak berbuah dua kali.
Tuesday, 28 October 2008
Eurocopter Deal: No More Cover-Up, Badawi
The investigation into the RM2.3 billion Eurocopter deal must go on even if the controversial deal is called off, opposition leader Lim Kit Siang said.
His call came in the wake of a news report over the weekend, quoting sources as saying that the deal to purchase 12 Cougar EC725 helicopters from a European firm has been called off due to the current economic situation.
The public accounts committee (PAC), a powerful parliamentary committee tasked to ensure that public funds are well spent, is scheduled to hold a two-day inquiry from tomorrow to look into the matter.
“Even if the helicopter deal is cancelled, PAC is duty-bound to investigate the highly dubious and controversial procurement process, as this runs counter to all principles of accountability, transparency, integrity and good governance,” Lim said in a statement today.
The opposition stalwart, who is also DAP’s Ipoh Timor MP, said the PAC should identify whether any irregularity or oversight exists in the deal, and to ensure that the integrity of the Defence Ministry and the Royal Malaysian Air Force is intact.
“Parliament and the nation are entitled to a searching and no-holds-barred PAC inquiry to produce a report to be tabled by the end of next month which can answer many controversial questions,” Lim noted.
This includes why the price offered by Eurocopter has ballooned from its RM1.1 billion bid price to RM2.3 billion, as well as why is the government paying over twice the price for the aircraft
compared to aircraft from other countries.
The Eurocopter controversy was first highlighted in a letter dated Oct 7 addressed to Najib Abdul Razak, who is deputy prime minister and finance minister.
In the five-page letter, Mentari Services Sdn Bhd chairperson Kapt (rtd) Zahar Hashim suggested that the tender process, initiated during Najib’s tenure as defence minister, could have been a “gimmick” since the ministry appeared to favour one company.
Zahar also accused Najib (left) of providing Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who took over the defence portfolio on Sept 17, with an “inaccurate” report pertaining to the contract.
The government had decided to purchase the new aircraft to replace the ageing Nuri aircraft following a series of crashes in recent years.
The opposition has lodged a complaint with the Anti-Corruption Agency calling for a probe on Najib’s alleged involvement in the deal.
Letter of Award not issued
On Sunday, Internet news portal Malaysian Insider quoted sources as saying that the deal will be called off after the government reviewed its expenditure “in light of failing revenues from crude oil and palm oil and slowing economic growth for the next few years”.
According to the report, Eurocopter won the deal as it also proposed to invest RM250 million to upgrade Malaysia’s maintenance, repair and overhaul (MRO) capacity in its Subang facility as part of its tender.
Eurocopter has already invested about RM45 million in Malaysia and had plans to spend another RM20 million this year to expand its Subang facility as well as MRO facilities in Kuching and Kota Kinabalu, the report added.
National news agency Bernama later reported that the government has yet to discuss the Eurocopter deal, but will do so to determine whether or not to go ahead, given the global economic crisis.
Bernama also quoted government sources as saying that the procurement of the new helicopters was only at the Letter of Intent stage and that no Letter of Award had been made to any party.
www.malaysiakini.com
The United Malays National Organisation is said to be suffering from senility
Former Malaysia Deputy Prime Minister Musa Hitam shrewdly diagnosed the multiple diseases afflicting the ailing United Malays National Organisation, the country’s biggest political party and the leader of the ruling national coalition, when he talked to the press after launching a forum on Oct 22. Musa said the party is "too introverted", its leaders preoccupied with self-interest and oblivious to the interests of the masses, and incapable of rectifying fundamental flaws such as corruption, poor accountability and abuse of power. As a result, the party has lost popular support.
Musa politely described this phenomenon as penyakit tua (old age sickness), but I think it will be more appropriate to call it Alzheimer's disease, as the state of corruption of the party has already reached a stage of no return.
Just flip the daily papers, and one reads stories of money politics in the run up to the party election galore. One senior UMNO minister was so exasperated by this rampant practice that he sarcastically suggested that party might as well auction its leadership positions by tenders. And the chairman of the party’s disciplinary committee Tengku Ahmad Rithaudeen, who often admonishes party leaders against money politics, recently expressed shame over the hopeless state of corruption in party elections, as even informers on such corruption could reap bumper rewards from the corruptors, thus depriving the committee’s access to incriminating evidence.
In fact, election corruption in UMNO has been so ingrained – it has been practiced for more than two decades according to Rithaudeen – that a search in Google would show that “money politics” has become synonymous with UMNO.
When money and politics become so negatively intertwined, party leadership inevitably falls into the clutches of wealth-seekers and wealth-dispensers. This explains why UMNO lacks political idealism, and its leaders mired in mediocrity.
Abhorrent as such money politics may appear, it is however only the tip of the iceberg and symptomatic of a larger scourge that is destined to put UMNO to eventual oblivion.
Started as a nationalist party in the 1940s to unite Malays in their political struggles for independence, UMNO has seen prouder days as true nationalists when it worked shoulder to shoulder with other race-based parties to build the young nation. However, the watershed event of the May 13 racial riot in 1969 changed the course of history. Thenceforth, UMNO assumed absolute political dominance. As the famous saying goes "absolute power corrupts absolutely," corruption began to spread rapidly in the UMNO-dominated government in the 1970s. However, it was during Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad's two-decade rule that the art of corruption was perfected and institutionalized and lifted to the high level that we are all familiar with today.
Mahathir was able to do all this, unscathed by law, because he had amassed vast dictatorial powers through numerous amendments to the Constitution and legislation of repressive laws. With such power, and with electoral victory guaranteed by playing racial politics, he subdued political dissent and subjugated institutions of state to serve party and personal interests.
Through sweeping privatization of state assets and through a policy of public procurement by private negotiation, party leaders and cronies were enriched beyond their dreams through political favoritism under the all-embracing façade of the affirmative New Economic Policy, giving rise to overnight millionaires and even billionaires in the process, aggravating income disparity within Malay society.
It is not an exaggeration to say that the entire hierarchy of UMNO was financially sustained through this largesse system. Remove the system, UMNO would have crumbled overnight. In short, Mahathir’s iron grip and race-backed rule was sustained through repression and corruption.
Then what about Abdullah Badawi's reign? He won an unprecedented electoral victory by promising to undo the evils of the Mahathir era, but he also suffered the greatest electoral set back four years later for failing to fulfill any of that promise. Now he is on the verge of handing over power to his deputy Najib Tun Razak, while promising to carry out a few reforms before he leaves the scene as his legacy to the nation. These reforms are aimed at improving the independence of the judiciary and the effectiveness of the anti-corruption and other law enforcing bodies.
But will UMNO allow him to do that? Highly unlikely. Pak Lah, as Badawi is called, himself knew as much, as revealed in his uncharacteristic outburst against clamours for him to make another shift forward of his retirement date, this time from March 2009 to December this year (the earlier shifts were from June 2010 to June 2009, and again from June to March 2000). Speaking to reporters in Kota Kinabalu on Oct 19, he angrily rebuked Minister of International Trade and Industry Muhyiddin Yassin, who had been at the forefront agitating for Badawi’s premature retirement and had just suggested the party poll be brought forward from Mar 2009 to December 2008, and asked:
"Is he (Muhyiddin) afraid of reforms? He doesn’t want to see reforms? Why must he frustrate reforms which have been yearned for by the people? The people have been angry with me for not honouring my reform pledges in 2004 when they gave me strong electoral support. ...Why must he make the suggestion now (to shift the party poll forward)? This means my reform efforts will be thwarted. But I will not step down until the reforms are carried out."
It looks like Pak Lah is fighting a lonely battle, as there is no political will among UMNO leaders to change the status quo.
One must realize that from UMNO's perspective, it is perfect logic for the leaders to resist any reform that would make the judiciary more independent and law enforcement bodies more effective. For who would protect the corrupt and the abuser of authorities, when judges and policemen become no-nonsense enforcers of the Constitution and the law? And without the complicity of these institutions, how could UMNO maintain its repressive and corrupt rule? The plain truth is that UMNO cannot possibly survive politically on a level playing field against its opponent in a democratic environment where rule of law is upheld.
Musa Hitam is of course right when he said that UMNO is trapped in the mindset of 20 or 40 years ago, when religious and racial issues reigned supreme in an UMNO politician's agenda. But time has changed, so have the people, including the Malays who had been the bedrock of UMNO's electoral support. The younger generation of Malays does not view UMNO with the same perspective as their parents. UMNO must prove it is capable of leading the country decidedly forward in this global environment before they would give their electoral support.
Exploitation of racial and religious issues is no longer a safe political trump card. With this trump card in question, and with no capacity to reform and evolve with the march of time, where can UMNO head to except political oblivion?
At this time of global financial meltdown not seen since the Great Depression of 1929, the nation is of course anxious how Malaysia can get through this storm without getting too badly battered. Is our political leadership up to the task of leading the nation safely through this rough sea? Are our institutions sufficiently competent to meet the anticipated challenge? Do our people have the skills and resilience to rise to the occasion?
Looking at how the Barisan Nasional coalition has been completely embroiled in intra-party and inter-party struggles for power and political survival of its own with scant attention to the external world, and its reluctance to cast off the race-inspired protectionism which is the main impediment to economic re-invigoration, the prospect ahead is bleak.
Munawar Appeals
No Umno/MCA/Gerakan/MIC MP to emulate Billy Abit Joo?
Is there not a single Umno, MCA, Gerakan or MIC MP (including Minister/Deputy Minister) in Peninsular Malaysia who dare to emulate Sarawak BN MP, Billy Abit Joo (Parti Rakyat Sarawak) to support a parliamentary debate on the review of the Internal Security Act (ISA) – and if so, why do they want to get elected into Parliament?
Barisan Nasional MPs from whichever component party cannot remain blind, deaf and dumb to the increasingly widespread and popular demand from all sectors of Malaysian society for review and repeal of the draconian Internal Security Act, which stands as a symbol of the lack of democracy and rule of law in the country.
Yesterday, October 27, was the 21st anniversary of the Operation Lalang mass ISA arrests in 1987, with 13 MPs among 106 persons arrested under the infamous detention-without-trial law.
If the BN MPs suffer from amnesia of history of what happened two decades ago, they cannot be unaware of the blatant and scandalous abuse of the ISA only last month when the ISA was used against the latest trio of ISA victims – Sin Chew senior reporter Tan Hoon Ching, DAP MP for Seputeh Teresa Kok and blogger Raja Petra Kamaruddin on completely baseless grounds.
In recent weeks, MCA and Gerakan leaders have been making headlines with their demands for the review and repeal of ISA – but all these noises are made just for “syiok sendiri” and out of the hearing or presence of top Umno leaders.
Both MCA and Gerakan annual conferences this month passed resolutions on the review of the ISA but this is only for party and public relations consumption but never meant to be pursued seriously in Parliament or Cabinet.
This is why there is not a single MCA or Gerakan MP (including Minister/deputy Minister) who can emulate Billy Abit Joo to put his signature to support the requisition for a priority debate in Parliament on the review and repeal of ISA.
The requisition, which has the support of 85 MPs (81 Pakatan Rakyat, three Independent and one Barisan Nasional) is not committing any MP to a stand to repeal the ISA but only to support priority debate in Parliament on whether the ISA should be reviewed and repealed.
Even MPs who want to retain the ISA can support the requisition for a priority parliamentary debate on the ISA as it is very clear that there has been radical deviation from the original purpose and character of the ISA when it was enacted by Parliament in 1960 – what more, in the case of MPs in MCA and Gerakan who have just been entrusted by their national delegates with the specific mandate to demand the review and even repeal of ISA?
I reject the explanation by the new MCA Youth chief and Deputy Education Minister, Datuk Dr. Wee Ka Siong why MCA MPs cannot join 85 MPs (including Billy Abit Joo) to requisition the holding of a parliamentary debate on the review of the ISA.
He claimed that the MCA have “our own way of resolving matters”, that “the right forum is the Cabinet”, even claiming authority for this approach by declaring that Malaysia is following the Westminster model of parliamentary democracy.
Everybody knows that the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi had publicly slapped down the call for review of the ISA when he spoke at the opening of the 55th MCA General Assembly ten days ago.
Which of the four MCA Ministers is going to raise the MCA General Assembly resolution for a review of the ISA in the Cabinet? I am sure none, especially as one MCA Minister is not very sure about his Cabinet tenure after losing out in the MCA Deputy President election while the new MCA President, Datuk Seri Ong Tee Kiat would be more preoccupied about ensuring “smooth sailing” for his recommendations to the Prime Minister for MCA appointments in government.
If MCA Ministers dare not raise the ISA review in Cabinet and MCA Deputy Ministers and MPs dare not even support a requisition for priority parliamentary debate on a ISA review, what is the use of having MCA represented in Parliament?
As for Malaysia practising Westminster model of parliamentary democracy, let me remind not just MCA but all BN Ministers, Deputy Ministers and MPs that this had not prevented some 140 Labour Party MPs from voting against the British government’s motion on Iraq War in March 2003 on a matter of conscience and public policy.
Nobody is asking any MCA or BN MP to go against the Barisan Nasional government but to support a requisition to the Prime Minister that there should be priority parliamentary debate on the question of a review of the ISA.
Let Presidents of UMNO, MCA, Gerakan, MIC and the Sabah and Sarawak BN component parties declare whether they have prohibited their MPs from supporting the requisition by 85 MPs for an urgent debate on the ISA review?
If this is an impossible mission to them, then there should be an immediate stop to all the chest-thumping claims by UMNO, MCA, Gerakan and MIC leaders that they have learnt the lessons of the March 8 “political tsunami” and that they are going to be articulate and outspoken as they are nothing but just hogwash!
Abdullah’s Resignation: Pakatan’s Ploy for Power?
Although it is a little dated, I think John made a few observations which will be worth thinking about. Forming a new government is not an easy undertaking. It requires painstaking work full of inherent risks since the other side (UMNO-BN) is not to go down without a fight. Anwar Ibrahim told us that he has the numbers to form the government. There is no reason for me to doubt the PKR leader. Even Nik Aziz, the Menteri Besar and PAS’s spiritual leader, did not harbour any doubt.Technically, we could have formed the government on September 16, 2008. So as far as I am concerned, Anwar kept his promise to deliver the numbers, which he did.
The reality of forming the government is something else. We have to do it in an orderly and constitutional way. The Prime Minister refused to meet Pakatan leaders while the Speaker, Dewan Rakyat ruled against any attempts to debate the issue. In the meantime, our country is facing a possible recession, given the financial and liquidity crisis in the United States which has spread to Europe and parts of Asia. PR has decided that the move for a change of government must take a back seat since our economy is entering a difficult phase with a recession looming in 2009. Let us read what John thinks about the subject of the change of government.—Din Merican
by JohnLeemk@Dartmouth
(dated September 18, 2008)
September 16 has come and gone, with no change in government. While I will leave an analysis of the implications of this for another time, the mechanism by which Pakatan Rakyat would take power is worth examining. After all, September 16 falls smack in the middle of Parliament’s recess, which will last for about two weeks more; how can the government fall when Parliament cannot meet to pass a vote of no-confidence? Most speculation here suggests that Pakatan leaders would meet with the Yang di-Pertuan Agong submitting the names of MPs supporting the new government. But I think a very plausible, if not likely scenario is the Prime Minister simply tendering his resignation.
After all, most analyses assume a hostile takeover. But the last thing Pakatan wants is instability and resistance from the politicised institutions of our country. To form a new government, Pakatan would want more than just the support of a slim majority of MPs; it would require some sort of acquiescence from at least a few of the elite in the current government. If the present government does not acquiesce, if it fights tooth and nail to hold on to power, it will jail MPs indiscriminately, do anything it can to prevent a vote of no-confidence in Parliament; it will commence a scorched-earth campaign to ensure Pakatan can get nothing of value when it takes power, while salting away its own ill-gotten gains in offshore bank accounts.
So ultimately at the very least we must have a Prime Minister willing to let go of power, and willing to step down. And if we are willing to accept that Abdullah Badawi will let himself be voted out of power, why not go one step further? I think there are grounds to believe that he may simply resign before things get to that stage.
If Anwar Ibrahim, the Leader of the Opposition, can broker a deal with Abdullah to ensure a smooth and orderly transition of power, both men will benefit immensely. Thus far it seems clear that history will not judge Abdullah very well; at best, his attempts to reform the government were stillborn and half-hearted. But if Abdullah becomes the first Prime Minister to make way for a real change in government, if he places institutions above politics and personal gain, his reputation will be significantly rehabilitated.
You may say that this is not much, but look at it another way: he is definitely going out as Prime Minister, with no concrete accomplishments to his name. It is unlikely that he will last until 2010, with so many within his own party baying for blood. Whoever succeeds him as Prime Minister is unlikely to lavish him with praise or mark his administration with pride; Abdullah’s term as premier will at best be seen as a benchwarmer for his successor, and at worst, be seen as setting Malaysia down a dangerous and poorly-planned path. Considering the relative vehemence of calls for him to step down, it is probable that his leadership would be vilified by the government-authored history books; Abdullah would be lucky if his term was just ignored and forgotten.
On the other hand, if Anwar takes power, Anwar does not have much to gain from going after Abdullah. He will be too busy fixing broken institutions and dealing with the day-to-day problems of governance to make Abdullah-hating a priority; it would be especially unseemly for him to denounce the man who so generously made way for him to accede to the premiership. Accusations of corruption and impropriety on Abdullah’s part aside, the fact is, Abdullah is hardly criminally responsible for our nation’s problems today; even if the new Pakatan government tried to hunt him down, it would not solve any fundamental problem. If anything, Pakatan will probably see to it that Abdullah goes down in the history books as a visionary Prime Minister who presided over the rebirth of democracy in Malaysia, and whose attempts to reform our institutions were blocked by shortsighted bigots in his own political party.
You may think this kind of historical rewriting is unlikely or unseemly, but it has already happened: the case of Dato Onn Ja’afar comes to mind. Dato Onn today is seen by everyone — including the government historians — as a man ahead of his time in trying to found a multiracial party. What we don’t remember is his bitter return to racism after his own party failed; some historians actually blame his rhetoric for spurring UMNO to outdo him in fighting for ketuanan Melayu.
The raw material for Abdullah’s reimaging as a visionary ahead of his time, blocked by dunderheads in his own party, is already there: his attempts to reform our institutions, his redefinition of ketuanan Melayu into a positive ideology empowering the Malays to stand on their own two feet as equal partners with other Malaysians. Abdullah can easily go down in history as one of our best Prime Ministers, given the right spin. The only thing is, he has zero chance of this happening if an UMNO man succeeds him, while it is very likely he will eventually be hailed as a great patriot if he makes way for a Pakatan leader.
For Anwar, Abdullah stepping down solves a lot of key headaches. For one, there is no need to go through the vote of no-confidence; the Agong has complete discretion in appointing the Prime Minister if the post falls vacant (one of the very few real discretionary powers the Agong has). Anwar can meet with the Agong and submit a list of MPs who have agreed to support him, and once the Agong actually appoints him as PM, it is very unlikely that MPs would be falling over themselves to pass a vote of no-confidence against the Pakatan government.
The matter is smoothed over even more if Abdullah states that he has made way for Anwar, and that Pakatan has enough MPs on its side to make things work. With that statement, the Agong appointing Anwar would be a simple enough formality. There’s not even a need for Parliament to meet, and if the handover occurs this month, the Parliamentary recess gives Anwar breathing room to form a Cabinet and start governing, building momentum on his side and further forestalling any Barisan move to topple him. It’s a huge logistical win for Anwar if he can accomplish it.
Moreover, Anwar and Abdullah will have ammunition at the ready to face down their opponents from UMNO. I quit because you wanted me to, Abdullah can say. It’s clear I didn’t have your confidence, as you can see from the defection of your colleagues and your own voracious calls for me to step down. And the King himself appointed me, Anwar will say. Do you really want to question the King’s decision? Spinning themselves out of this situation will be fairly straightforward, I believe, especially with public opinion on Pakatan’s side.
So is it any wonder that Pakatan’s agenda at the moment is to meet first with the Prime Minister, before seeking an audience with the Agong? I would not be surprised at all if a deal like this winds up being cut eventually. It benefits both the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition; it benefits the country by bequeathing it some stability and smoothness in the transition; everyone comes out smelling like roses.
Ultimately it is not to Pakatan’s benefit to form a government speedily but haphazardly. A Pakatan legislator I met three weeks ago told me that they were then sorting out a smooth transition with institutions such as the Police and military. The excuse of stability they presently cite may seem weak but I believe it holds water.
History hinges on Abdullah’s decision: to quit or not to quit? His position is growing increasingly untenable. It’s a question of when, not if, he will step down as a lame-duck Prime Minister. But one successor offers the real potential of fixing the country and its government, and the temptation of going down in history as a great Prime Minister ahead of his time. The other successor offers more of the same under a different name, and the probable vilification of Abdullah’s name in the history books. I think Abdullah would be a fool not to make way for Anwar, if Anwar has any Barisan MPs at all on his side — and that I think he does.-Din merican
PAS lends support to 10 detainees
(Malaysiakini)
Andrew Ong | Oct 25, 08 3:06pm
PAS is sympathetic with the plight of 10 individuals who were arrested while attempting to deliver a letter to Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi on Thursday, its vice-president Husam Musa said.
“I came from Kelantan today to express our sympathy to our fellow Malaysians who have been bullied by the Barisan Nasional government,” he said.
Husam said this when meeting family and friends of the 10 individuals who have been remanded until Sunday at the Putrajaya district police headquarters.
The 10 were arrested while accompanying six-year old W Vwashnnavi, the daughter of Hindraf chairperson P Waythamoorthy, and her mother K Shanti to the Prime Minister’s Office in Putrajaya.
Vwashnnavi’s letter was an invitation for Abdullah to visit the family’s Deepavali open house which also called for the release of all Internal Security Act detainees.
Asked to elaborate on his “bully” remark, Husam said the government had used the authorities to suppress legitimate grievances by a marginalised community instead of understanding the issues raised.
“This will hurt the feelings of the Indian community,” he said.
Negative portrayal
Commenting on Hindraf’s objectives, Husam said there was a need for “social re-engineering”, without reviewing the social contract, to resolve the woes of the Indian community such as in areas of education, welfare and business.
Accompanying Husam was PAS Youth chief Salahuddin Ayub who said that the government was wrongly portraying Hindraf and its supporters as anti-Malay and anti-Islam.
“The leaders in PAS, DAP and PKR will fight against this,” he said, to cheers from family members and supporters.
Hindraf came to prominence last year after the group had protested heavily against the demolition of Hindu temples, particularly in Selangor.
Following a mass demonstration of some 30,000 people on Nov 25 last year, five of the group’s top leaders were detained for two years under the ISA, while Waythamoorthy went into self-exile in London.
On Oct 15, the Home Ministry declared Hindraf illegal. The 10 who were arrested on Thursday are being investigated under Section 48 of the Societies Act for participating in an unlawful organisation.
RM5000 donation
Husam hoped that the authorities would free the 10 detainees todayso as to enable them to celebrate Deepavali on Monday.
“I hope they are released immediately as a good gesture ... we should show respect (for religious customs),” he added.
Husam also attempted to visit the 10 detainees but was denied permission by the police, much to the disappointment and disapproval of those present.
Following this, Husam brought some festive cheers when he presented RM5,000 cash donation to the families of the 10 detainees for Deepavali.
He said that the money was contributed by Kelantan PAS.
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