Freeing Education From Politics

by Zairil Khir Johari

There is one particular issue in this country that never fails to incite fierce debate, with passionate arguments – and the occasional flying brick – from all sides of the divide. This has been the case for a very long time, and its history is one that runs parallel to our nation’s own. To chronicle its story would be to journey through the annals of our own ethno-political experience, from early immigrant settlements to colonial dominance and finally to the many compromises that have been effected since political independence was achieved. Today, the story is by no means over; it is one that is constantly evolving (and tormenting) our socio-political structure.

And what is this matter that is as naturally fundamental as it is exasperatingly sensitive? Why, it is this little matter called education.

Few would dispute the contention that there is something fundamentally wrong with the education system in our country, but polemics abound when solutions are proffered or undertaken. Take, for example, the recent remonstrations surrounding the reversal of the PPSMI (teaching of mathematics and science in English) or the sudden announcement that history will be made a mandatory SPM pass subject from 2013. Or better yet, consider also the replacement of the PMR by a school-based assessment programme. Initially reported to take place in 2016 in order to provide sufficient time for a transition that would not burden the affected students, it has now been abruptly brought forward to 2014. And then there are the really thorny issues, such as the question of vernacular education and its place in our national polity, or the standard of our national school model and curriculum, viewed by many as tools of political indoctrination and partisan propaganda.

No doubt most of the issues faced today are legacy problems, the result of a colourful history peppered by missionary zeal, colonial policies, nationalist fervour and political compromise over decades if not centuries.

So how do we even begin to approach such a complex matter?

Actions and solutions taken thus far have been symptomatic fixes. Yet as one symptom is alleviated another appears, for the root cause remains untouched. This article thus contends that the only way out of this befuddling quagmire is to produce a solution that is innovative in approach, holistic in scope, and one that would correctly address the core of the problem.

A Political Problem or a Problem with Politics?

A quick glance at the problems aforementioned would reveal one common feature that reverberates throughout, and that is the distinctive presence of the political hand. The structure of our education system is such that all departments, bodies and boards that are related to the planning, implementation and monitoring of education are entirely encompassed within the Ministry of Education. Hence, it is then not far-fetched to say that the system in its entirety, from the curriculum, the syllabus, the examinations, the teachers, all the way to the funding and auditing, are under the direct patronage and behest of the Minister of Education, and as such extremely susceptible to political influence. Thus, it is not surprising that we constantly see arbitrary decisions to abolish this or to implement that, decisions that seem to be made with lesser reference to true societal and educational needs than they are to gratify the political flavour of the day.

In short, our national education system has been far too politicised.

The teaching body, for example, appears to be beholden to the political order of the day. As a case in point, take the directive from the Ministry that effectively disallows national schools in Penang and Selangor from inviting elected representatives to their school events simply due to their political affiliation, even when the representatives are members of the state governments in question! On the other hand, representatives of the federal government face no such problems and are constantly attending these events. The underlying message here is clear and obviously partisan and political in nature.

The current system, politicised as it is, has resulted in a severe crisis of faith, leaving a disenchanted Malaysian populace that is far from convinced not only of the quality of education, but also its impartiality. Hence, are we really surprised by the recent shocking and clearly seditious remarks made by two national school principals in Johor and Kedah? To compound the incredulity, no disciplinary action has since been taken!*

Separation of Power

This article now proposes that in order to create a world class education system, then the one pervading impediment needs to be resolved. In other words, the political element has to be removed.

This can be done by transferring authority over certain key areas away from the Ministry of Education to a new, independent commission that consists of stakeholders representing all interested groups such as academics, teachers, parents, civil society, religious groups, vernacular educationists, sports bodies, institutions of higher learning and of course representatives from the Ministry. Crucially, the political executive, i.e. the ministerial office, must have no direct influence over the commission except via its representatives.

Key areas under the direct purview of this commission should be control over the curriculum, school syllabus, examinations, monitoring activities such as audits and inspections, and very importantly, the teachers. This is to say that under the proposed system, the entire teaching faculty all the way to the Director-General of Education will report directly to the commission instead of to the Ministry, and by extension, the Minister.

Currently, the Education Ministry is a dichotomy of an administrative division headed by the Secretary-General, and an education division headed by the Director-General of Education, a post that is subordinate to the Secretary-General. In the proposed systemic reform, the Ministry will continue to oversee the administrative aspects of education, such as streamlining, financial operations and implementation of policies and infrastructure, while the teaching faculty will be directed by an independent and transparent commission that is responsible directly to the public.

A comprehensive and inclusive syllabus can then be devised for the approval of the commission. This is important, as not only will the commission’s views reflect the collective consensus of all interested parties, it will also very importantly be free from undue political influence. Only then can we achieve an education system that is effective, fair and objective. Teachers that espouse racialist jingoism will no longer be conveniently rescued by their political masters. The potential repercussions from this are immensely positive, and would effectively trigger a snowball effect that would increase the quality and attraction of national schools, a trend that has been suffering a downward spiral for the last three decades.

In short, there needs to be a clear delineation of power separating the education system from political abuse. At the same time, this proposal cannot on its own, result in a reformed and ‘world class’ education system. It must also be complemented by other measures to improve the quality of teaching. As the common adage goes, there are no bad students, only bad teachers. Thus, it is equally as important to find ways to expand the talent pool of our teachers.

That being said, the buck doesn’t stop with primary and secondary education. Tertiary education needs also discover its independence in order to recapture its lost glories. As long as our universities adhere to the status quo, we will never achieve our ambitions of developed nationhood. However, that is a story for another day.

*At the time of writing.

Looking at other side of Mak Nyah

The New Straits Times

IT is so easy to disregard their existence or even shun them, but they are part of society, whether we like it or not.

The Mak Nyah (transsexual) community here always turns heads wherever they go.

Some members of the public are discreet in observing them, there are those who stare openly while others give them disgusted looks.

Many, however, feel that the Mak Nyah community are simply a misunderstood lot.

A lot of transsexuals have difficulty finding jobs and have turned to being sex workers to earn a living.

In Malaysia, there are between 10,000 and 20,000 transsexuals and more than 60 per cent of them are involved in the vice trade.

A study by National Defence University Professor Dr Teh Yik Koon shows that 62 per cent of them have difficulty finding work.

The same study also reveals about 50 per cent of Mak Nyah had been caught by the police and religious authorities for indecent behaviour and cross-dressing.

Malaysian AIDS Council (MAC) president Datuk Mohd Zaman Khan says the Mak Nyah community attracts attention because of the way they dress and act and agrees that they are a misunderstood lot.

"In some places, they would be arrested for carrying ladies' handbags."

Zaman gives an example in Negri Sembilan where a Mak Nyah community had organised a fundraising event and a few politicians attended.

"When people found out about it, there was a big fuss about the politicians attending the function."

The perception that Mak Nyah became like they are because they were born in a female-dominated family and only had the influence of women in their lives is wrong.

"There is a medical and biological reason as to why they behave that way," says Zaman, adding that the main problem Mak Nyah faced was the prejudices and negative stigmas associated with them.

"There is this perception that most of them are sex workers, but that is entirely false."

He said there are Mak Nyah who are successful in business and at the top of the corporate ladder. And there are a whole lot of them in the beauty and entertainment industry.

Zaman admits that most transsexuals were denied jobs because of the way they dress, despite the fact that some of them are educated.

"In desperation, they turn to the sex trade to survive. It does not help that they face rejection from their families, too.

"But I believe they can still make a decent living if they remain positive."

He says as society progresses, they are privy to more information about transgenderism, which helps them to understand the community well.

Nowadays, most families are more accepting because they understand the situation better.

Zaman relates a story of his friend who had five children and one became a Mak Nyah.

"When my friend fell sick, it was that child who had looked after him and nursed him back to health."

Zaman says MAC has a close association with this community as their mission is to prevent the spread of HIV virus, which is undeniably prevalent among the Mak Nyah community.

U.S. Says Egypt Failing To Meet Protest Concerns

Protesters pray near army tanks in Tahrir square in Cairo, February 9, 2011. REUTERS/Asmaa WaguihBy Andrew Quinn and Jeff Mason

WASHINGTON, Feb 10 (Reuters) - Egypt must do more to meet protesters' demands for political change, the United States said on Wednesday in a sharp escalation of rhetoric with one of its most important allies in the Middle East.

Washington is waiting for "real, concrete" moves to speed the transition, White House spokesman Robert Gibbs said after Egyptian Foreign Minister Ahmed Aboul Gheit suggested the United States was eager to impose its will on Cairo.

"What you see happening on the streets of Cairo is not all that surprising when you see the lack of steps that their government has taken to meet their concerns," Gibbs said.

Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak held meetings at the White House as the United States and another key ally weighed the impact of Egypt's crisis on stability in the Middle East.

U.S. Vice President Joe Biden on Tuesday set out steps Egypt must take in the face of unrelenting protests against President Hosni Mubarak, bluntly telling his government to stop harassing protesters and immediately repeal an emergency law allowing detention without charge.

The demands appeared aimed at raising pressure on Mubarak's handpicked vice president, Omar Suleiman, the former intelligence chief who is negotiating with opposition figures demanding Mubarak's immediate ouster.

'NEVER GO BACK'

"A lot has changed in Egypt, just within the period of the last week," Ben Rhodes, a deputy national security adviser, told journalists on a conference call. "We believe it can never go back to being the way it was."

Mubarak has given no indication he will step down, saying only that he will not run in September elections.

Aboul Gheit, in an interview with the PBS "NewsHour" program, said Biden's advice was "not at all" helpful and that he was amazed by the suggestion the emergency law should go.

"We have 17,000 prisoners loose in the streets, out of jails that have been destroyed. How can you ask me to sort of disband that emergency law while I'm in difficulty?" he said.

"Give me time, allow me to have control, to stabilize the nation, to stabilize the state, and then we would look into the issue." [ID:nN09190737]

Gibbs said Mubarak's administration appeared out of touch.

"I think it is clear that the Egyptian government is going to have to take some real, concrete steps in order to meet the threshold that the people of Egypt, that they represent, require from their government."

President Barack Obama discussed Egypt with Saudi Arabia's King Abdullah on Wednesday and emphasized the U.S. commitment to security in the region, the White House said.

The Obama administration has struggled to calibrate its message on Egypt, where the protests have raised fears of Islamist radicalization that could threaten Cairo's 1979 peace accord with Israel and its role in Middle East peace efforts.

Egypt's strategic importance to the United States includes its role as guardian of the Suez Canal, a route for oil imports to the West, and as a counterweight in the region to Iran.

'UNSHAKABLE COMMITMENT'

But Israel -- one of the biggest recipients of U.S. aid -- is also a factor. Israeli officials have said the turmoil in Egypt may require the Jewish state to "bolster its might."

Barak, in his first visit to Washington since the crisis erupted, met Defense Secretary Robert Gates, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Thomas Donilon, Obama's national security adviser.

The U.S. officials stressed Washington's "unshakable commitment to Israel's security, including through our continued support for Israel's military, and the unprecedented security cooperation between our two governments," the White House said in a statement after the meeting.

With calls for an orderly transition, the United States hopes the $1.3 billion in annual aid it gives Egypt's military is a stabilizing factor. But the idea of putting conditions on that aid was a hot topic at a hearing in the U.S. House of Representatives on Wednesday.

Howard Berman, the top Democrat on the House Foreign Affairs Committee, said aid should continue "so long as the military is playing a constructive role in bringing about a democratic transition."

A new Reuters/Ipsos poll showed a majority of Americans believe the United States should be cautious about backing democracy in the Middle East because elections could lead to anti-U.S. Islamist governments.

© REUTERS 2011

Labour unions boost Egypt protests

Egyptian labour unions have gone on a nationwide strike, adding momentum to pro-democracy demonstrations in Cairo and other cities.  Al Jazeera correspondents, reporting from Egypt, said around 20,000 factory workers stayed away from work on Wednesday. Al Jazeera's Shirine Tadros, reporting from Cairo, said that some workers "didn't have a political demand". "They were saying that they want better salaries, they want an end to the disparity in the pay, and they want the 15 per cent increase in pay that was promised to them by the state." However, Tadros also said that some workers were calling for Hosni Mubarak, the Egyptian president, to step down. The strike action came as public rallies calling for Mubarak to immediately hand over power entered their 16th day. Determined protesters are continuing to rally in Cairo's Tahrir (Liberation) Square, and other cities across the country. They say they will not end the protests until Mubarak, who has been at the country's helm since 1981, steps down. Protesters with blankets gathered outside the parliament building in Cairo on Wednesday, with no plan to move, our correspondent reported. The demonstrators have put up a sign that reads: "Closed until the fall of the regime". Click here for more on Al Jazeera's special coverage  The government seems to be scrambling under pressure from major powers and pro-democracy supporters, Al Jazeera's Stefanie Dekker reported from the city. She said people in Tahrir Square were angered by a visit from Tamer Hosni, a famous Arab pop star, on Wednesday morning. Hosni previously made statements telling the demonstrators to leave the square, saying that Mubarak had offered them concessions. "His comments really did not go down very well," our correspondent said. The crowd reacted angrily and the military had to intervene to keep them away from him. "People feel very strongly here," Al Jazeera's Dekker said. Another Al Jazeera correspondent, reporting from Cairo, said there was also a renewed international element to the demonstrations, with Egyptians from abroad returning to join the pro-democracy camp. There is even an internet campaign aimed at mobilising thousands of expatriates to return and support the uprising, our correspondent said. Protesters are "more emboldened by the day and more determined by the day", Ahmad Salah, an Egyptian activist, told Al Jazeera from Cairo on Wednesday. "This is a growing movement, it's not shrinking." Concessions fall short Mubarak's message has thus far been that he will not leave until his term expires in September. As a gesture of goodwill, however, 34 political prisoners, including members of the banned Muslim Brotherhood opposition group, were reportedly released over the past two days. Dekker, our correspondent, reported that there are still an unknown number of people missing, including activists thought to be detained during the recent unrest, while Human Rights Watch reported that the death toll has reached 302 since January 28. Egypt's health ministry denied the figures, however, saying that official statistics would be released shortly. "He (Suleiman) is threatening to impose martial law, which means everybody in the square will be smashed. But what will he do with the rest of the 70 million Egyptians who will follow us afterward." Abdul-Rahman Samir, a spokesman for a coalition of the five main youth groups behind the Tahrir Square protests. Omar Suleiman, the Egyptian vice president, warned on Tuesday that his government "can't put up with continued protests" for a long time, saying the crisis must be ended as soon as possible. Suleiman said there will be "no ending of the regime" and no immediate departure for Mubarak, the state news agency MENA reported from a meeting between the vice-president and independent newspapers. At one point in the roundtable meeting, he warned that the alternative to dialogue "is that a coup happens, which would mean uncalculated and hasty steps, including lots of irrationalities". When pressed by news editors to explain the comment, he said he did not mean a military coup but that "a force that is unprepared for rule" could overturn state institutions, said Amr Khafagi, editor-in-chief of the privately owned Shorouk daily, who attended the briefing. Response to Suleiman's statements was grim. "He is threatening to impose martial law, which means everybody in the square will be smashed," said Abdul-Rahman Samir, a spokesman for a coalition of the five main youth groups behind protests in Tahrir Square. "But what would he do with the rest of the 70 million Egyptians who will follow us afterward." Earlier on Tuesday, Suleiman said a plan was in place for the peaceful transfer of power, which included forming three committees  - one to propose constitutional amendments, another to oversee the implementation of the amendments and a third to investigate the violent clashes of February 2.

Source: Al Jazeera and agencies

Indian community leader joins PKR

RCI panel meets Teoh's sister, lawyers

Malott, Zainal Aznam are sick, says Ibrahim Ali

Teoh Inquiry: Commission ready for Monday hearing

All is set for the royal panel to get down to business, starting with applications by lawyers for Teoh's family and the Selangor government to be allowed to participate.

KUALA LUMPUR: The Royal Commission of Inquiry into the death of political aide Teoh Beng Hock held its last meeting today to discuss several issues before hearing proper begins on Monday.

The commission’s secretary Saripuddin Kasim said three main issues were discussed during the meeting which went on for about three hours at the Jalan Duta courts complex here this afternoon.

“Firstly, we went through the administrative and logistive aspects of this inquiry, including visiting the courtroom (the biggest in the court) where we’ll be holding the inquiry,” he said.

Saripuddin said most matters will be formally addressed on Monday, including the application by Karpal Singh and Malik Imtiaz Sarwar to represent Teoh’s family and the Selangor government respectively during the hearing.

The lawyers have previously written letters to the inquiry secretariat seeking permission to be allowed to act for the family and the state government respectively and have the right to cross-examine witnesses.

“We were also briefed by the conducting officers on the progress of the preparations so far and we are satisfied,” said Saripuddin, who is also the director-general of the Legal Affairs Division in the Prime Minister’s Department.

“We know this case is of public concern and we will do our best,” he said, adding that the hearing will be held at the third floor of the court complex at 9am on Monday.

Seeking revision
Earlier, the commission members also met with Teoh’s sister Lee Lan and her lawyers Karpal and Gobind Singh Deo.

During the informal meeting which lasted 15 minutes, concerns were raised over a move to seek a revision of the coroner’s findings. The case is pending.

Attorney-General Abdul Gani Patail is seeking a review of the coroner’s ruling. On Jan 5, coroner Azmil Muntapha Abas delivered an open verdict, saying that Teoh’s death was neither suicide nor homicide.

Karpal said that there should not be a revision and an inquiry on the same matter concurrently.

Gobind has asked Gani to withdraw the application to avoid confusion. High Court judge Mohtarudin Baki will mention the revision case on Feb 17.

“We can’t go on with both. There will be conflict in the findings later on. We must proceed on only one…,” Gobind said.

Other major issues brought up at the informal meeting included the dates of the inquiry hearing and the list of witnesses.

Gobind said that the dates set by the commission, Feb 14 to April 25, were not suitable as Karpal, Malik and himself already have cases on those dates.

“The dates were fixed without us being present and we’re hoping that could be readjusted. There is no point having a royal commission that cannot proceed if other people are engaged elsewhere.

“If you want to have a royal commission, let’s doing it properly and not in haste,” he said.

Gobind added that a list of witnesses have been sought and he expected to be furnished with one before the hearing commenced.

“We’re also concerned about witnesses that were brought in by the family, for example Dr Pornthip (Rojanasunand),” Gobind said, adding that everything should be clearer by Monday.

He also said that he has not been informed on how the inquiry will conduct its investigation.

“We are also unsure if it would be a re-hearing or (a case of) going through the transcripts. We will only know by Monday whether we will be allowed to cross-examine,” he said.

He added that he believed this would be the last meeting before hearing begins.

“The meeting today was more of an administrative hearing so that the parties, including Teo’s family, can go before the commissioners to voice their concerns,” said Gobind.

‘Need time to think’
Initially, Lee Lan and her lawyers were not called to attend the meeting between the commission panellists and the Attorney-General’s representatives, but they were later invited.

Approached by reporters, Lee Lan looked confused, saying that she needed more time to think. She declined to speak about today’s meeting.

“I will probably issue a statement later,” she said.

Last month, Federal Court judge James Foong was appointed to head the commission to look into the cause of Teoh’s death and the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission’s (MACC) interrogation procedures.

The commission’s terms of reference are:

• To look into whether or not, there was any impropriety in the conduct of the examination of Teoh in the course of an investigation into a Shah Alam report by the MACC, in relation to its standing orders and practices, and to recommend any appropriate action, where necessary; and,
• To enquire into Teoh’s death and the circumstances surrounding and contributing to his death.

The other four members of the commission are former federal judge Abdul Kadir Sulaiman, ex-Court of Appeal judge T Selventhiranathan, Penang Hospital’s senior consultant in forensic pathology Bhupinder Singh and Cyberjaya University College of Medical Science’s dean and consultant forensic psychiatrist Prof Dr Mohamed Hatta Shaharom.

The five are expected to draw up a list of witnesses to be called, among other things.

The inquiry is scheduled to start on Feb 14 and end on April 25, when the final report will be handed over to the Yang di-Pertuan Agong Tuanku Mizan Zainal Abidin. The King will then decide the next course of action.

The conducting officers are senior federal counsel Amarjeet Singh and deputy public prosecutors Awang Armadajaya Awang Mahmud and Kwan Li Sa.

Teoh, the DAP political aide to Selangor executive councillor and Seri Kembangan assemblyman Ean Yong Hian Wah, was found dead on July 16 last year on the fifth floor of Plaza Masalam here.

Teoh, then 30, died hours after he was interrogated overnight by the MACC at the Selangor MACC office located on the 14th floor of the same building. He was a witness in the alleged misuse of Selangor government allocations.

No reason to keep temple closed

HRP files notice under the Freedom of Information Act 2010, demanding explanation from the Selangor government.

PETALING JAYA: The Human Rights Party today sent a legal notice to the Selangor government seeking clarification on steps taken to reopen the Bukit Gasing Sivan Temple in Petaling Jaya.
Its pro-tem secretary-general, P Uthaya Kumar, wants the state government to disclose the reasons for the stop-work order on the temple in 2008 and other details under the Freedom of Information Act 2010 (Selangor).
“We act for the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) and the scores of devotees of the Bukit Gasing Sivan temple in Petaling Jaya.
“According to a recent news report in Tamil daily Makkal Osai, the state government announced that the temple will remain closed, contradicting a state assemblyman’s earlier statement,” said Uthaya in the letter.
Kota Alam Shah assemblyman M Manoharan had said on Monday that the hilltop temple will be re-opened to the public after the deities have been moved to a new shelter built just beside the main building. The temple was ordered to be closed by the state government for safery reasons
Uthaya said the state government has no legal basis to keep the temple closed as it was in contravention of Article 11 of the Federal Constitution.
He also questioned if there was a bona-fide concern over safety and why there were mansions on the way down from the temple propped up by 100-feet safety beams visibly protruding on the sides.
He pointed out that based on safety reasons, then scores of other hill slope houses and condominiums in other areas in Selangor with such reinforcements should been closed down.
He also said that there have been no cases of other places of worship ever being closed or issued a stop-work order by the state government.
“I cannot understand how the new temple (in the new shelter) can be dangerous to the public. Are there devotees in the thousands going up and down the temple daily to justify saying that the place is not safe?” asked Uthaya.
“Is this an attempt by the Selangor government to close down this temple in collusion with the nearby millionaires who reside in their mansions along Bukit Gasing?”
Popular place of worship
The lawyer-turned-politician also said that he was suspicious of the Petaling Jaya City Council’s (MBPJ) delay in getting the safety works, which started in 2008, completed.
The Bukit Gasing Sivan temple has been a popular place of worship in the Klang Valley and the temple management even provided shuttle service for devotees during festival time.
“The erosion near the Sivan temple is small and I suspect the state government has a hidden agenda by deliberately raising safety issue to stall the opening of the temple,” he added.
“If the state is sincere on the temple issue, then Mentari Besar Khalid Ibrahim should get the matter sorted out immediately and grant the land title and at the same time gazette the Sivan temple as a permanent place of worship.”
Uthaya said HRP will give the state government 30 days to come with a permanent solution to the temple issue.

Perkasa wants Ekuinas to guard Bumi shares

Ibrahim suggested that sale of the shares be restricted to Ekuinas. — file pic

KUALA LUMPUR, Feb 9 — Perkasa president Datuk Ibrahim Ali suggested today that Ekuiti Nasional Berhad (Ekuinas) buy the shares of five soon-to-be-listed Bumiputera companies, as a way to keep the firms in the community’s hands.

The Independent Pasir Mas MP also hoped that the new unit to promote Bumiputera economic participation, Teraju, would also look into assisting small Bumiputera companies.

“Yes, out of RM52 billion Bumiputera shares, now there is only RM2 billion (still accounted for); I am also upset, but there is Ekuinas now.

“The government can ensure that those shares can only be sold to Ekuinas,” Ibrahim told reporters here today.

The former deputy minister said such intervention would match the criteria for affirmative action that Perkasa has been fighting for.

“This is what we call affirmative action or guided economy,” said Ibrahim.

The setting up of Ekuinas was made as part of the government’s efforts in liberalising the economy by cutting the 30 per cent Bumiputra equity quota and trimming the role of the Foreign Investments Committee (FIC).

The government had provided Ekuinas with an initial fund of RM500 million, which is expected to eventually grow to RM10 billion to hold equity in companies in Malaysia.

Putrajaya also operates sovereign wealth fund Khazanah Nasional Berhad, mutual funds such as Permodalan Nasional Berhad (PNB), pension funds Employees Provident Fund (EPF) and Kumpulan Wang Persaraan (KWAP) that are active in the local bourse although their shareholdings are not considered Bumiputera stakes.

When launching Teraju yesterday, Najib had said the unit will lead, co-ordinate and drive Bumiputera economic participation through new and existing initiatives, propose institutional reform to increase effectiveness and act as the secretariat for the Bumiputera Agenda Supreme Council (MTAB) that oversees Bumiputera economic development.

Najib had previously promised that reforms to the economy would still see to the needs and interests of the Bumiputera community, which comprises of the majority Malay population as well as indigenous people such as the Orang Asli.

He said yesterday that Bumiputeras account for 73 per cent of the 2.4 million households in the lowest 40 per cent income bracket.

In 2009, Najib had done away with regulations requiring a 30 per cent Bumiputera stake in 27 service and financial sub-sectors, and limited the purview of the FIC that oversees Bumiputera equity.

Today, Ibrahim said he hoped the head of Teraju would enjoy similar status as Performance Management and Delivery Unit (Pemandu) CEO Datuk Seri Idris Jala, who reports directly to the prime minister.

“We thank the prime minister for his decision. We don’t want to interfere in Teraju, we will wait for the results,” said Ibrahim.

Politics here needs an alpha-male figure

A former Umno assemblyman believes that Umno has the 'resources and pragmatism' to operate on democratic principles despite its lack of 'internal vigour'.

I had a tête-à-tête with a former very senior Umno leader recently. He offered an opinion about Umno.

He felt that Umno was waning. I thought I heard it wrong, so I spelt it out for him. “As in w-a-n-i-n-g?” He noded “Yes indeed.”

Why is that so? I asked.

Generally speaking, (he said) it’s because Umno has become more adept at creating a generation of subservient and often muted followers. That makes Umno no different from the colonialists before.

Those days, they (colonialists) liked the Malays to call and refer to them as “Tuan” since that term connotes a master-servant relationship.

The servant remains always subservient and compliant. As a result, followers become a submissive lot, unquestioningly accommodative of the leaders’ despotism and excesses.

Over one or two generations, that practice becomes ingrained. So you can say, one element of Umno culture is the mute syndrome.

What happens then? You sap away the internal vigour. The organisation becomes lifeless. It becomes alive at seasonal intervals as during election of office-bearers. At other times, it sleeps.

The further downside of this habit is that it fosters rebellious instincts. That day will come when the stirrings of rebellion can no longer be contained.

When that happens, Umno will self-implode. So, part of the answer is to give back democracy to Umno. Give back its internal vigour.

Old Umno had vigour

Up to the 1970s, Umno still had more democracy. For example, delegates at the annual assemblies could speak out against leaders.

Tun Razak, at one time, was at the receiving end (of the delegates’ wrath). Even Tun Hussein Onn was challenged by the late Sulaiman Palestin.

Did Umno implode? It did not because members understood democratic principles. They understood that to be democratic is part of the constitution of internal vigour.

Since then there has been a sea change in Umno culture – from one that focuses on the intrinsic abilities of its members as it should be, to one that increasingly veers towards placing a higher premium on “willingness to be loyally submissive”.

What do you call such culture? In essence, it’s feudal. The bottom sections of society stay loyal and serve the higher sections.

What do you get? You get people, as of now, who want to out-Najib Najib himself and people who want to out-Malay the average Malay.

So Umno people become immersed more in an orgy of sabre-rattling and brinkmanship. The lower stratum subsists to please those higher in the hierarchy.

In that process, Umno loses focus on carving out a future that all can share while creating a future for the select.

As Umno becomes more insular in its outlook, it disconnects with the people at large. That accounts for its general ebb. This prognosis is alarmingly unnerving. As Umno people, we would like to see a happy future under Umno hegemony.

That would and could still be an ideal. The problem is, how to validate that agenda?

Loss of shared optimism

Perhaps this is politically incorrect to say but Malaysian politics needs a hegemon – an alpha-male figure to keep the pack in line.

Umno has the resources and pragmatism to be that hegemon. But hopefully it is a hegemon committed to the greater good and operates on democratic principles.

How can Umno play an acceptable role?

In Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s scheme of things, two things must happen.

First, Umno must go back to its first principles. Strive for race, religion and country.

Second, the non-Malay Malaysians have to simply acknowledge the dominance of Malays. How do you validate that?

It is important for anyone reading Malaysian history to differentiate what Mahathir is advocating and what the original Umno, formed in 1946, stood for.

There is a big difference between the present Umno and the original Umno.

That difference was explained by the loss of the most precious element in Umno’s ascendency – the loss of shared unbounded optimism which has been replaced by the present-day pessimism.

At Mahathir’s behest

I am ahead of myself here. But I need to get this out of my system. The rise of general pessimism is the doing of Mahathir himself.

I am surprised that now, in his twilight years, he chose to speak about Malay-first sentiments.

During the 22 years he ruled Malaysia, where was this conviction?

AirAsia was given to a non-Malay. Skypark is now managed by a non-Malay. Lee Kim Yew of Country Heights Holding Bhd would have gone under if not for Mahathir.

Is Lee of superior constitution as a businessman? Bull!

YTL Corporation was a nondescript contractor before Mahathir gave it the affirmative touch. YTL got to operate the ERL (Express Rail Link), ferrying passengers from KL Sentral to KLIA at twice the cost if the same system had been supplied by Ingress Engineering.

Tabung Haji, which looks after the welfare of Muslims, got this project and sub-contracted this to YTL. At whose behest was this done?

Tycoon Ting Pek Khing got to do the Bakun Dam. He cleared all the timber and then went before the government, saying he couldn’t complete the project.

Rampant corruption

The government paid him money for failing to complete the project and poor Sime Darby has to catch the hot potato that was Bakun.

I am told that Mahathir attended a luncheon hosted by GEM – Group of Ex-Ministers.

At the luncheon, he rose to speak about corruption saying that this present government is corrupted from top to bottom. That would have to include the current prime minister.

But (did he forget that ) the seeds of rampant corruption started during his tenure as prime minister. So for Mahathir to now speak about a return to basics is very strange.

Return to the Umno before it was deregistered or to the New Umno?

What Mahathir and the current Umno leadership are doing is to create a future that can be shared among close friends, cronies, the select few, the nobility and so forth.

Just imagine this. Gamuda got to do a rail double-tracking project for RM2.5 billion and subcontracted it to a company for RM1.6 billion. It made RM900 million just like that. Who can’t do that – brown, yellow or black?

Mohd Ariff Sabri Aziz is a former Umno state assemblyman who now blogs at Sakmongkol AK47. This article was written for FMT.

Perkasa claims Malott being led to attack Malaysia

Ibrahim said Malott’s criticism was “uncalled for”. — file pic

KUALA LUMPUR, Feb 9 — Perkasa president Datuk Ibrahim Ali claimed today that former US ambassador John Malott was instigated by a local politician to continue his attacks against the Malaysian government.

In an apparent reference to Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, the Pasir Mas MP told a press conference here that Malott was helping his “Malaysian friend” by criticising the administration of Datuk Seri Najib Razak.

“I believe somebody asked him to do it. Perhaps a Malaysian who is about to reach the end of his political career, but I’m not going to mention his name,” said Ibrahim.

In his article published in the Wall Street Journal yesterday, Malott warned Malaysia against delaying reform plans or risked losing the country’s competitiveness.

The former US ambassador to Kuala Lumpur who served from 1995 to 1998 also accused the Najib administration of failing to improve race relations in order to protect the ruling party’s support base in the Malay community.

Malott had once described Perkasa as a militant group and had previously written articles favouring Anwar who is facing his second sodomy charge in a decade.

“He is a sick man. The way he criticised the prime minister is very uncalled for,” said Ibrahim.

“If you look at Najib’s policies, we are not happy with certain things that he does especially on Bumiputera issues but we support his leadership,” he added.

Ibrahim said not all Perkasa demands were fulfilled by the government.

The Independant lawmaker also dismissed National Economic Council (NEAC) advisor Datuk Dr Zainal Aznam Mohd Yusof’s allegation that Perkasa had forced the government to reverse its decision to reform the Bumiputera policy in the New Economic Model (NEM).

Zainal also alleged that Perkasa’s interference resulted in the government dropping the NEAC proposal to setup Equal Opportunity Commission (EOC).

He had also pointed out that unlike the second part of the NEM, which was launched last December, the first part of the NEM had left out the 30 per cent Bumiputra equity target.

Ibrahim, however, said that Perkasa was not the only group consulted by the government.

“NEAC is an advisory body. Their ideas can be discussed further before implementation. Even Chinese groups held a discussion,” said Ibrahim.

“He should have presented the facts, not just blame Perkasa. Was he saying that the PM must accept his suggestions 100 per cent?” he added.

Two Indonesias

(Asia Sentinel) Will a violent and intolerant minority undo a prosperous economic future in Indonesia?

In recent weeks, we have seen two Indonesias.

One is the rising economic and diplomatic power poised to join the world's elite emerging economies. The other is a country still unable to manage religious tensions and the rule of law, where sickening sectarian violence and often pointless legal proceedings undermine progress.

On Monday, government figures showed the economy growing in the last quarter of 2010 at 6.9 percent, well above almost all projections. For the year, growth was 6.1 percent, also well above projections. The property sector, retail, banking and commodities are all booming, analysts say. On the diplomatic front, the foreign minister was dispatched to help Thailand and Cambodia patch up their border dispute, a role in keeping with Jakarta's growing international profile as a moderate Muslim-majority country.

Looked at from the perspective of a strong economy and rising diplomatic clout, Indonesia is a success story with good fundamentals, a vibrant domestic market and a solid record for reason and tolerance. Jakarta's business elite is almost giddy over the prospects of going from very rich to super rich while boosters say Indonesia is poised to be the "next" India or China. But in recent weeks, the country has also witnessed the kind of religious mob violence commonly associated with Pakistan or Taliban-controlled areas of Afghanistan. In addition, corrupt and politically motivated courts, seldom a venue for justice, have been wreaking their own kind of mayhem on behalf of the fundamentalist minority.

Consider some recent events. On Sunday, in a tiny West Java village, a premeditated attack by a mob of Muslim zealots burned out a small group of sectarian Ahmadiyah believers sheltering in a house. Police were on hand in the village of Cikeusik, they knew the attack was coming, the tiny handful of Ahmadis in the village had been a target of the radical Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) for at least two years yet nothing was done to prevent the violence. A stomach-churning video of the event shows the mob kicking and beating a lifeless corpse, the dull, wet blows punctuated by cheers from the mob.

Two days later, a similar mob gathered outside a courthouse in the Central Java town of Temanggung chanting "kill! kill!" because they believed a five-year sentence handed down to a man accused of blasphemy for distributing leaflets insulting to Islam was not sufficient. They wanted death for the supposed blasphemer and they proceeded to burn down two churches and rampage through the town as a result.

In a separate incident, on Monday, prosecutors in a suburban Jakarta court recommended a six-month prison term for an FPI leader accused of orchestrating an attack on a protestant church in which two leaders of the congregation were badly injured. They also recommended that the defendant, Murhali Barda, be fined Rp 1,000, just over ten US cents.

Finally, there was the example in late January of rock star Nazril "Ariel" Irham, who was sentenced to three and a half years in prison under the 2008 Anti Pornography Law, a piece of legislation driven by Islamic fundamentalists. His crime was making private sex videos with two celebrity girlfriends that were subsequently stolen from him and posted on the Internet. As the court saw it, he was guilty of "giving other people the opportunity to spread, make and provide pornography."

Behind all of these events, from the spurious headline-grabbing nonsense of Ariel's inquisition to the barbaric beatings of the Ahmadis, is the hand of a minority of Islamic fundamentalists augmented by a failure of political will on the part of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's government. And these are not random acts. The Islamists have steadily used their influence in government to provide a legal foundation for many of these outrages.

Rock star Ariel was prosecuted under a law that has been denounced by civil libertarians and even conservative Christians as a thinly veiled attempt to impose Islamic values on what is constitutionally a secular country. That his was a political show trial worthy of the old Soviet Union is certain. Similarly, the court-inspired riot in Central Java occurred because of a prosecution under an anti-blasphemy law that is blatantly Islamic and pushed by the same fundamentalist minority. The Ahmadiyah pogrom has its roots in a 2008 ministerial decree banning the sect from practicing its religion openly. The decree was supported by Yudhoyono as a "compromise" in the best interests of religious harmony.

While Yudhoyono ritually condemned the religious violence this week, he has yet to call for the repeal of the porn law, or the lifting of the Ahmadiyah decree or the repeal of the blasphemy law. Indeed, his religious affairs minister supports a complete ban on Ahmadiyah, which is reviled by mainstream Islam because it declares its founder, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, not Mohammed, to be the final prophet of Islam. They number less than 100,000 in the country by most estimates.

Recently, a number of religious leaders have openly taken aim at the president for his failure to act in the face of extremism, but he seems to have been little moved. Gomar Gultom, secretary-general of the mainstream protestant Communion of Churches in Indonesia, said this week, "We are furious with the president's leadership. He keeps making promises but he's all talk and no action."

Jakarta buzzes with speculation about why Yudhoyono caves in to extremism. Some believe it is an electoral calculation that says that the ten percent or so of voters who side with Islamist parties can swing an election. Others note the long-standing relationship between the police and military with extremist groups; they are seen as useful political tools. Others simply believe Yudhoyono, always cautious even when he was an army general, is so risk averse that he cannot see the extremist threat clearly. Still others believe there is a tacit understanding that in exchange for aggressive police action against bomb-wielding terrorists, Yudhoyono's government has gone soft on extremists who stop short of donning suicide vests.

Five or six years ago, in the aftermath of multiple deadly bombings by Jihadists in Indonesia, the threat to the state seemed to come from a widespread network of underground terrorists. That network has largely been rolled up by effective police work, but the result has not been a lower profile for religious extremism or reduced social tension. If anything, Indonesia today seems more bitterly divided along religious lines between moderates of all faiths and fundamentalist Islam than at any time in living memory.

So which Indonesia will prevail? Will it be the modern, business-oriented economy, largely run by non-Muslim ethnic Chinese, or an intolerant, quasi-Islamic state that enforces its will through mob rule and terror? The two seem ultimately incompatible. Investors are likely to sour on a country where the threat of mob violence trumps law.

The way forward would seem to lie, for now, with Yudhoyono, who will rule until 2014. The vision of a modern, prosperous and diverse Indonesia is within reach, but only if the president reaffirms a real commitment to the secular and tolerant state founded in 1945. To do that he must take steps to repeal the overtly Islamic blasphemy law and the thinly veiled Islamic Puritanism of the 2008 pornography statute. He must see that the police finally break their ties with radical Islamic militias and adequately punish groups who pursue vendettas against minorities on the basis of religion. In short, he must govern on behalf of all Indonesians not just the intolerant few.

One hopes he is up to the challenge.

Asean and a Manufactured Crisis

(Asia Sentinel) The reasons behind the Thai-Cambodia Conflict

For centuries, the ancient Preah Vihear temple, a Hindu masterpiece, has stood largely unmolested on a cliff overlooking the Thai-Cambodian border. However, over past three years, the temple has been an increasing point of conflict between Thailand and Cambodia that appears to be fomented for purely domestic political motives.

And, in the latest dust-up, events have demonstrated the relative weakness of Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva, who is clearly unable to control his own military, and of the Association of Asean Nations, which appears to have little or no influence in stopping the conflict.

Unconfirmed reports have circulated in both Bangkok and Phnom Penh about the reasons behind the clashes even though the two countries’ armies earlier agreed to call for a truce over the temple, which was awarded to the Cambodians by the International Court of Justice in 1962. Some sources say there was a lack of communication between the Thai government and the military. While Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva appeared to prefer a diplomatic option to resolve the crisis, the military decided to use force instead.

There is also a conspiracy theory. The People’s Alliance for Democracy – the royalist Yellow Shirts—is said to be now working with the military to weaken the Abhisit government, apparently because the two parties were not happy with the prime minister’s enthusiasm to call for an election as soon as April. According to this theory, the military in particular fears that this would diminish its role in politics, too soon. The roots of the most recent cross-border conflict can be found in the decision by a joint PAD-Democrat Party team to cross into Cambodia, where they were promptly arrested. One PAD member, Veera Somkwamkit, remains in a Cambodian prison.

Meanwhile, some local residents on the Thai-Cambodian border reportedly said that the Thai military was fed up with the way the Abhisit government has handled the territorial dispute issue. On Feb. 4, Thai and Cambodian troops experienced their worst clash, a violent conflict that included gunfire and artillery duels, killing at least two Thais and eight Cambodians. Some 3,120 Thais were evacuated from a village close to where the incident took place. The temple itself was damaged by artillery fire from Thai guns.

Thus, to express its frustration, the military chose to fire artillery into the Preah Vihear Temple, damaging it and earning condemnation for Thailand for its thoughtless behavior, which could ultimately destroy the centuries-old World Heritage site.

In Cambodia, Prime Minister Hun Sen exploited the armed clashes to strengthen his power position by displaying his nationalistic emotions. The last time Hun Sen displayed his love for the Cambodian motherland, it cost Thailand its embassy in Phnom Penh in 2003. Then, Hun Sen was accused of being reluctant to intervene in an arson attack against the Thai diplomatic mission by so-called Cambodian nationalists. Analysts saw the incident as Hun Sen’s plot to divert domestic issues which could ruin his chance in the upcoming election.

It has also been reported that the scale of devastation on the Cambodian side as a result of the fresh clashes was massive. Hun Sen appears certain to retaliate. Thailand will have to wait and see how Thai-Cambodian relations will go from here.

While the latest confrontation is certainly the work of domestic politics in Thailand and Cambodia, it has engendered a negative impact on Asean, of which the two countries are members. Immediately, Asean Secretary-General Surin Pitsuwan urged the two to find a peaceful solution.

"I am deeply concerned about the serious situation on the border between Thailand and Cambodia," Surin said. "This violent conflict must be brought under control and return to negotiating table soonest."

He also added, "I have been in touch with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Cambodia Hor Namhong, and the Foreign Minister of Thailand, Kasit Piromya, and I have appealed for calm, maximum restraint on both sides, and expressed my fervent desire to see both sides return to a negotiating table as soon as possible."

As members of Asean, Thailand and Cambodia have broken the group’s tradition of consultation and cooperation in time of bilateral crisis, and in particular, the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) in which all member states commit themselves to peaceful settlement of disputes.

The aggressive behavior has also challenged the Asean charter. As stipulated in Article 22, "Member states shall endeavour to resolve peacefully all disputes in a timely manner through dialogue, consultation and negotiation, and Asean shall maintain and establish dispute settlement mechanisms in all fields of Asean cooperation."

Surin has thus called the two sides to allow the treaty organization to help bring them to some form of a temporary truce and cool down the emotions and temper so that a higher interest of both peoples and that of Asean can be protected and enhanced. Surin stressed, "The situation has escalated into open conflict. And that will definitely affect our economic development, confidence in our region, and tourism and prospect for foreign investment, which have just been picking up in light of the world economic recovery."

In the past, while Thailand expressed its preference to deal with the conflict strictly on a bilateral basis, Cambodia frequently has turned to the United Nations for help. This time too, Cambodia has filed a complaint at the United Nations Security Council over the "Thai invasion". Both bypassed regional dispute settlement mechanisms, thus revealing their lack of faith and confidence in Asean.

Often criticised as a mere talking-shop, Asean could prevent itself from being perceived as a laughing stock in the eyes of the global community if its members would allow this regional organization to play its rightful and legitimate role, particularly in dispute settlement. Many anticipate a new role played by Indonesia, as Asean chairman this year, to step up its diplomatic efforts to aid the two sides to arrive at a temporary solution, at least to allow the existing bilateral mechanisms between them to accomplish their objectives of border demarcation and a general peace in the areas.

If Indonesia succeeds in bringing Thailand and Cambodia back to the negotiation table, not only will this effort boost the authority of the current Asean chairman, it will also prove to the critics that Asean has indeed become a mature organisation. That may well prove unlikely, however.

Pavin Chachavalpongpun is a fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. He is the author of Reinventing Thailand: Thaksin and His Foreign Policy. The views expressed here are his own.

Mahathir rewriting history on Ops Lalang

By Lim Kit Siang,

Former Prime Minister Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad is rewriting history when he blamed the police for the 1987 Operation Lalang mass Internal Security Act (ISA) arrests, claiming that he was furious over the mass crackdown.

In the new book, “Doctor M: Operation Malaysia – Conversations with Mahathir Mohamad” by Tom Plate, Mahathir said:

“Well, I would have handled it differently, except that the police wanted to do these things because they say it is necessary…

“I actually met all of the opposition members (beforehand) and assured them that they would not be arrested. And you know what the police did? They arrested them. My credibility is gone.”

Mahathir is not only suffering from selective memory and faulty memory but is spinning untruths about his misdeeds in his 22 years as Prime Minister.

I never met Mahathir and he never gave me any assurance that I would not be arrested before the launch of Operation Lalang on Oct. 27, 1987, although a day earlier I had spoken in Parliament in the 1988 budget debate warning of escalation of racial tensions and calling on all political parties “to agree to a one-year moratorium where no racial, language, cultural or religious issues will be created or raised for every Malaysian to concentrate on the national priority of achieving economic recovery and growth”.

Let Mahathir name the Opposition leaders had had met and given assurance that they would not be arrested but subsequently overruled by the police in the Operation Lalang crackdown!

It is unworthy of Mahathir to “pass the buck” to the Police for the responsibility for the Operation Lalang crackdown, as he not only defended the initial 106 arrests by the police under Section 73 of the ISA, he exercised his powers as Home Minister under Section 8 to formally issue two-year ISA detention orders for 49 Malaysians, including seven DAP MPs!

Mahathir had always made the false and baseless claim that DAP MPs had not been detained because they were MPs or their political beliefs, but for “trying to stir racial unrest”.

For instance, Mahathir told Asiaweek (11th November 1988): “A few are still under detention because they refuse to give up stirring racial hatred. (Lim) was arrested not because he was leader of the opposition but because he was stirring racial tension in the country…They will be detained until they come around to thinking it is not the right thing to do…”

I did not change a jot of my thinking during my detention that none of the Operation Lalang detainees should have been detained especially as “the real culprits of the tensions and grave situation” in Malaysia in October 1987 were left free completely, and not a single police officer interviewed me to secure my agreement to purportedly “give up stirring racial hatred” before my release in April 1989.

This applied to all the six DAP MPs detained under Operation Lalang – Karpal Singh, Lim Guan Eng, Dr. Tan Seng Giaw, the late P. Patto, the late V. David and Lau Dak Kee – who were released without the so-called “come around to thinking it is not the right thing to do”, when they had done nothing wrong in the first place!

In fact, the personal, petty and vindictive nature in the misuse of an already very oppressive ISA was further highlighted by the fact that Guan Eng and I were the last two of the 49 Operation Lalang detainees to be released in April 1989 – when the various batches of releases started in June 1988.

I had always conceded that there were racial tensions in October 1987, but these racial tensions were not created by DAP MPs or others detained under Operation Lalang, but solely the deliberate and irresponsible creation of certain power-seekers in UMNO at a time when there was general insecurity at all levels of the UMNO leadership because of deep UMNO party split between two factions, one led by Mahathir and the other by Tengku Razaleigh-Musa Hitam.

As Bapa Malaysia and the first Prime Minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman said immediately after the Operation Lalang crackdown in November 1987, “It’s not a question of Chinese against the Government but his own party, UMNO, who are against him”. – The London Times, 9th November 1987.

The Government White Paper “Towards Preserving National Security” issued in March 1988 to justify the Operation Lalang detentions referred to the UMNO Youth Rally at the Jalan Raja Muda Stadium in Kuala Lumpur on 17th October 1987 with banners displaying slogans: “MAY 13 HAS BEGUN” and “SOAK IT (KRIS) WITH CHINESE BLOOD” but no action was taken against the UMNO Youth leaders who enjoyed immunity and impunity for such seditious and criminal incitements.

The UMNO Youth leader at the time is none other than the present Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak.

Mahathir cannot shirk responsibility by passing the buck to the police but must come clean and apologise to the nation for masterminding Operation Lalang, the darkest chapter of human rights in Malaysia, paving the way for a wholesale clampdown and subversion of the media, the judiciary and organs of state, whether the Police, the Election Commission or the Anti-Corruption Agency in the rest of his premiership.

Or is Mahathir going to blame the judiciary, the police, the Election Commission, the Anti-Corruption Agency, the media and the key national institutions for their failure to stand up to oppose him to protect, preserve and promote their efficiency, independence and professionalism during his premiership?

MCA Central Committee Meeting To Discuss Postponing Elections

By Alan Ting

KUALA LUMPUR, Feb 9 (Bernama) -- Thursday's meeting of the MCA Central Committee is to discuss postponement of the party elections scheduled for this year.

It will also discuss a date for an extraordinary general meeting of the party to amend the constitution to enable the postponement of the elections.

The EGM is necessary to amend a provision in the party constitution which states that the party can decide on postponing its elections only 42 months after the last general election.

The party elections are due in March, which is only 36 months from the last general election in March 2008.

MCA Secretary-General Datuk Seri Kong Cho Ha, when contacted, said any amendment to the constitution would have to be passed by the general assembly, meaning an extraordinary general meeting (EGM) must be convened for that purpose.

"It was a consensus among the CC (Central Committee) members (earlier to postpone the party elections). The EGM will be part of our agenda for tomorrow's meeting, which also includes some other political issues," he told Bernama.

He said the party's legal bureau had given its opinion on the matter and this would be discussed in detail at the meeting but he did not mention what the recommendation from the bureau was.

"It depends on when you want to postpone the elections to," he said, without elaborating except to say that it had to be in the spirit of the party constitution.

Some CC members contacted by Bernama said most were in favour of postponing the party elections, either by amending the constitution or through a special resolution, which means an EGM has to be held in order to get the endorsement from the party grassroots.

However, they expressed concern that any proposed amendment to the constitution to overcome the requirement of the 42 months might not get enough support as, under the party constitution, such an amendment needed the endorsement of at least two-thirds of the delegates.

"It's not stated in the notice for the CC meeting but we know it is on he agenda. We need to brief everyone on what the best solution is as there is some concern that some groups may try to sabotage (the EGM)," said CC member Loh Seng Kok.

Another CC member, Datuk Chong It Chew, said he believed the EGM would likely be called sometime in March but it would remain a challenge for the CC to convince the grassroots to postpone the party elections.

"If there is a proper explanation and a road show, I believe such a resolution can be approved," he said.

As pointed out by CC member Datuk Ti Lian Ker, it's not a question of whether you want to postpone the elections or not because the "EGM still needs to be held in order to get over the constitutional impediment".

Umno, Barisan Nasional's biggest component party, has decided to postpone its party elections scheduled for this year by to up to 18 months. Gerakan also followed suit by postponing its scheduled elections this year to next year.

In 2007, the MCA postponed its party elections at all levels to until after the general election in March 2008, where Datuk Seri Ong Tee Keat was elected president and Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek, deputy president.

However, the party was embroiled in an internal crisis until fresh polls, only for the top or central leadership, were held in March last year where Dr Chua was elected the new president.

However, the party still has to hold elections at all levels for a new term of three years as the polls in March last year for the top leadership was only for the remaining period of the current term which will end in October.

Feds shun Selangor govt’s offer to help combat crime? Why?!

I wanted to highlight an initiative of the Selangor state government, who for the second time has written to the Home Ministry, asking that they be allowed to contribute auxillary personnel to the police in order to help prevent crime.
My family lives on one of those roads with private security. Truth be told, the guards don’t do much except sit there and move a little road marker when cars pass by. It’s not rocket science or high tech crime prevention.
That said, crime on that road has dropped to nearly zero.
Zero.
All it takes, is for someone to sit there all day and all night.
Is that beyond the power of the Selangor state government to help organise? I think not.
Now if only the federal government, who controls the cops, not letting them help?
What happened to People First? When such an offer that would clearly help combat the terrible scourge of crime affecting every Malaysian is shunned, it sure seems like Politics First :P
Also, check out the latest news – pregnant lady identifies cop who slapped her.