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Thursday, 30 October 2008

Verdict On Friday For Altantuya's Murder Trial

Zalina Maizan Ngah, Bernama

The Shah Alam High Court will be at the centre of attention this Friday when judge Datuk Mohd Zaki Md Yasin delivers the verdict on the sensational murder trial of a Mongolian woman, Altantuya Shaariibuu.

Mohd Zaki's verdict will not only decide the fate of the three accused - Chief Inspector Azilah Hadri and Corporal Sirul Azhar Umar (both members of the Special Action Unit, UTK) and a renowned political analyst and strategist Abdul Razak Abdullah Baginda - but will also end wild speculations and rumours relating to the case.

This high-profile case has generated a big following especially when there were rumours of a public figure linked to the murder, revelations of intimate involvement of one of the accused with the victim and some shady business dealings.

The trial on the gruesome murder of Altantuya who body was blown up using explosives to cover up the crime went on for almost two years with the prosecution winding up their case on June 23.

If the court's decides a prima facie against the trio, they will have to make their defence or if otherwise they will be discharged and freed.

KEEPING UP THEIR HOPES

When inquired by Bernama on the sidelines of the court proceedings what they would do if they were freed, Azilah, 32, who has an adopted child stated that "there are too many things to do, but above all I want to cuddle my child and hold a thanksgiving feast".

Sirul Azhar, 36, when asked the same only offered a smile, typical of this former aide de camp for VIPs who is known to be discreet. On the dock he sits quietly and once in a while he turns toward the members of the media sitting behind him to ask for sweets and pickled fruits.

Meanwhile Abdul Razak, 48, the Executive Director for Malaysian Strategic Research Centre wants to take a break overseas with his only daughter Rowena when everything is over.

Throughout the trial, Abdul Razak was accompanied by his wife Mazlinda Makhzan, his parents and close family members. However, at the initial stages, Mazlinda's presence made Altantuya's father, Shaariibuu Setev frown as he claimed she had verbally abused him and court officers went all out to keep them apart.

Even when Mazlinda was asked on the fate of her husband, she replied: "I will leave it to Allah. Razak is innocent."

Yet the drama did not end there. The 151 day proceeding witnessed many bizarre and hilarious incidents. Apart from this there was also a change in the presiding judge and the clash between two counsels on who should be representing one of the accused.

BIZARRE INCIDENTS

Abdul Razak caught the attention of the media with some of his antics in the courtroom. He had been noted to throw tantrums and even went to the extent of kicking the dock and cursing others. He kept pushing his counsel Wong Kian Kheong to speed up the trial without any deferment and this certainly incensed Deputy Public Prosecutor Tun Abdul Majid Tun Hamzah who ticked of Wong by saying that Abdul Razak is not the only person in prison.

The media hype had certainly attracted the wrong type of crowd into the courtroom as well. It was obvious some wanted to take advantage of the media coverage to be on the limelight, but for the wrong reasons.

Readers would probably recall the presence of a woman dressed like a counsel claiming that she was a representative of peace organisation and had the authority of the police and the Attorney-General's Department.

She wanted the media attention and would closely follow the cameras and even refused to take a back seat. When there were no seats available she would insist the court officials to make special seating arrangements for her. Her presence was unwelcome and she even dared to intercept the judge.

When her behaviour became intolerable, not only because of her constant nagging but also her handphone that rang often, a police report was made and she eventually disappeared.

During the initial stages of the hearing there appeared another woman who claimed that she was a representative of a women's right organisation carrying a placard condemning Abdul Razak for the brutal slaying of Altantuya.

The one-woman demonstration did not go down well with the police as it was seen as disturbing the public order and the police gave her a warning and told her to leave the court compound.

However, the woman in her late 40s remained unfazed and instead shouted back at the unarmed policemen, "I have the rights, you police can stop me using your firearms, let the public be the witness".

151 DAY TRIAL

Azilah and Sirul Azhar who covered their faces using the 'ninja' mask set a new trend for accused in other cases and when inquired by Bernama why they did so Azilah had this to say: "Life is long way to go, there are some things best kept secret."

Another drama that unfolded at the 151 day trial was that a policeman stationed at the courtroom Lans Corporal Othman Abdul Rahman, 47, collapsed when accompanying the three accused to the courtroom and was later confirmed dead due to heart failure.

Azilah and Sirul Azhar were alleged to have murdered Altantuya between Lot 12843 and Lot 16735 Mukim Bukit Raja, Shah Alam, between 10 pm 19 Oct and 1 am 20 Oct 2006. The duo was well versed in the use of explosives and was said to have taken the plastic explosives, detonator cord and CLC (cutting liner charge) from the UTK storeroom.

Abdul Razak who is alleged to have abetted with the two UTK members, is said to have committed the crime on Oct 18 2006 at his office at 10th Floor, Bangunan Lembaga Getah Asli Malaysia (LGAM), Jalan Ampang in Kuala Lumpur and the motive of the murder is due to demands and threats from Altantuya.

Based on the evidence adduced from the prosecution witness Deputy Superintendent Muhammad Koey Abdullah, the explosives were probably placed in the victim's mouth or the upper torso and the impact reduced her bones to fragments. On the puzzle why no traces of the victim's clothing were found, Dr Mohd Shah Mahmood, the Head of the Forensic Medical Department at the Kuala Lumpur Hospital (HKL), explained the victim was probably stripped of her clothing before being blown up.

JUDGE TO PORE OVER 6,000 PAGES OF PROCEEDING NOTES

However, lawyer J. Kuldeep Kumar and Datuk Hazman Ahmad who represented Azilah were persistent that their client was no way involved in the murder and the Azilah was not the one who led the police to the crime scene.

Sirul Azhar's counsel Kamarul Hisham Kamaruddin, Hasnal Redzua Marican and Ahmad Zaidi Zainal pleaded their client's innocence and stated that he was victimised just because Altantuya's jewellery were found his home. On Atlantuya's blood stained sneakers found on Sirul Azhar's four wheel drive, they claimed anyone could have left it there as the vehicle could be accessed by others as well.

Wong who represented Abdul Razak held that his client had nothing to do with Altantuya's murder and throughout the trial there was no proof that the murder was carried out under Abdul Razak's behest. He also questioned the failure of the prosecution to call several senior police officers during the trial.

Nevertheless, Mohd Zaki will make his decision based on the evidence provided by the 84 witnesses that has been compiled into 6,000 pages of proceeding notes.

Prior to delivering the decision on the main charge, Mohd Zaki is expected to decide on the prosecution's application to challenge the credibility of Lans Corporal Rohaniza Roslan (Azilah's girlfriend), the decision on trial within trial on Altantuya's jewellery found at Sirul Azhar's home and on the statement by police that Azilah is the one who led them to the crime scene.

Nonetheless, all the allegations and speculations will be put to rest on Friday when Mohd Zaki delivers his verdict.

Tunku Aziz: PKNS staff shouldn’t interfere

Staff at the Selangor State Development Corporation (PKNS) should respect the menteri besar’s prerogative in appointing a non-Malay to head the state agency, said DAP vice-chairperson Tunku Abdul Aziz Ibrahim.

“I hope the menteri besar’s decision is respected by all and the PKNS staff will focus on doing their work professionally instead of questioning the prerogative of the state government to appoint the most suitable person for the post,” he said in a statement today.

Tunku Abdul Aziz was commenting on protests by six staff bodies against the appointment of the corporation’s deputy corporate affairs and accounting manager Low Siew Moi as acting general manager.

The decision by Selangor Menteri Besar Khalid Ibrahim to appoint Low was met with objection from the corporation’s own staff who submitted a protest memorandum to him.

At the same time Selangor PAS wanted to suggest its own candidate besides helping the state government find a suitable candidate.

Tunku Abdul Aziz expressed “great concerns” over the opposition shown by the staff bodies and opposition coalition partner PAS against Low’s appointment on the grounds that the post should be filled up by a bumiputera.

Tunku Abdul Aziz said that the opposition based on someone’s ethnic background augured badly for ethnic relations and national unity.

“The interference by the senior staff of PKNS runs counter to established management practices and may well be the result of the race-based policies and indoctrination that the nation had been subjected to for the better part of 50 years or so,” he said.

‘Blind prejudice’

Tunku Abdul Aziz urged Malaysians to put aside “blind prejudices” and recognise that progress required the recognition for efforts and contributions of all citizens regardles of ethnicity or gender.

On the contrary, he said that a culture had developed where merit was overlooked while “less than relevant considerations” such as ethnicity and religion were prioritised.

“It is indeed sad that while we have progressed in economic and material terms, our nation is still bound to old ways of thinking and acting that have no place in a modern democratic society,” he said.

The Selangor government, in particular Khalid, has come under fire from various groups and media over Low’s appointment.

Filling the gap

In a statement yesterday, Khalid defended Low’s appointment, adding that she was the most suitable candidate to fill the post for the time being.

Khalid said Low’s appointment should not be an issue because it was only temporary as she was needed to stand in to replace the void left by the current PKNS general manager Harun Salim would be retiring at the end of the month.

Low, who is due to retire this year, was given an extention to undertake the new post.

Khalid had explained that if both Low and Harun retired at about the same time, it could affect to smooth running of PKNS.

Thus the state had asked Low to defer her retirement by a year until a suitable bumiputera successor was found, he had said.

Low was also quoted in the media as saying that a bumiputera candidate should be appointed to continue steering the government agency.

Salleh Abas rests his case

"In none of these correspondences has the Bar Council ever provided any explanation other than that I have not met with the requirement of the Rule 60 (1) ... only now members of the Bar Council have finally come out to give a clearer picture ..." - Tun Salleh Abas

Please click on the press satement to enlarge.

Ambiga pleads for ISA repeal

By Adib Zalkapli

KUALA LUMPUR, Oct 29 – Bar Council president Datuk Ambiga Sreenevasan made an impassioned plea today to Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Badawi to abolish the Internal Security Act before he leaves office next year.

"Prime Minister, while it may still be in your means to do so, and as a historic legacy to this nation that both you and I love, I ask you, on behalf of all right thinking Malaysians and on behalf of the legal fraternity of Malaysia, to move to abolish the ISA," Ambiga said in her speech at the opening of the 21st Lawasia Conference here.

She said the enforcement of the ISA had diverted from the original intention for which it was enacted.

"One can see how far we have strayed from the original intent of the ISA when a blogger, a politician, a journalist and a civil society organiser can, independently of each other, be seen as threats to national security," said Ambiga referring to recent ISA arrests.

In September, blogger Raja Petra Kamaruddin, lawmaker Teresa Kok and Sin Chew Daily journalist Tan Hoon Cheng,were arrested under the ISA. Tan was released less than 24 hours later and Kok was released after one week. Raja Petra is currently is serving a two-year detention order.

Abdullah, however, was non committal when responding to Ambiga's appeal, but hinted that the law will not be abolished.

"I am happy to hear that she raised this issue without fear or favour. As the Home Minister, I have discharged my responsibility without fear or favour," said Abdullah in his keynote address.

Late last year, Abdullah as the Home Minister ordered the detention of five Hindraf leaders after they led a street protest in Kuala Lumpur demanding the government stop discriminating against the Indian community.

On his pledge to reform the judiciary, Abdullah said the plan to form the Judicial Appointment Commission is on track.

"Work on the relevant legislation is progressing well and the government aims to table the relevant legislation to establish the commission by the end of the year," he added.

Fatwa on yoga next

PENANG, Oct 29 - The National Fatwa Council will come out with a ruling relating to the yoga exercise soon.

The announcement would be made by the council’s chairman, Prof Datuk Dr Abdul Shukor Husin, said Deputy Director-General (Operations) of the Department of Islamic Development Malaysia (Jakim) Othman Mustapha.

He told reporters this after opening the two-day seminar on Islamic Jurisprudence and Eternal Islamic Thinking at Universiti Sains Malaysia jointly organised by the Islamic Studies Division of the university’s Human Knowledge Study Centre and Jakim here today.

Yesterday, lecturer Prof Zakaria Stapa of Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia’s Islamic Studies Centre advised Muslims to stop practising yoga for fear that it could deviate their belief. - Bernama

Wednesday, 29 October 2008

Bloomberg Voices: Dato Seri Anwar Ibrahim

Karpal: No porn actors in the cabinet, ple

Karpal: No porn actors in the cabinet, pleaseNew Straits Times

GEORGE TOWN: Former MCA president Tun Dr Ling Liong Sik's controversial statement that it was not a problem for men to release their "extra energy as long as they don't talk about it or get caught" came under fire again.

National DAP chairman Karpal Singh said Dr Ling's statement belied his stature as a Tun and a former minister.

"It is shocking that he said it. He should mind his language.... His views could adversely affect society and lead to the break-up of the marriage institution," said Karpal in a statement.

He called on Dr Ling to retract his statement and apologise to all Malaysians. He said there was more than sufficient spotlight on the public admission by Datuk Seri Dr Chua Soi Lek, who had acknowledged that he was the male "actor" in a pornographic video tape.

Karpal was also shocked that the former health minister had made a political comeback and was now occupying the second spot in the MCA leadership.

"I hope that he will not, in the interest of the public, be included in the cabinet again in view of the imminent cabinet reshuffle."

Karpal said Dr Chua should have emulated Britain's former junior defence minister, the late John Profumo, who resigned voluntarily in the early 1960s at the height of the Cold War and involved himself in social work without returning to politics after he admitted to misleading parliament over an extra-marital affair with a woman associated with an alleged Russian spy.

"The image of Malaysia should not be soiled with having a pornographic actor in its cabinet."

How did RM1.1 billion Eurocopter deal balloon to RM1.67 billion even before issue of LOI?

The Prime Minister-cum-Defence Minister, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi announced yesterday that the defence procurement of 12 Cougar EC725 Eurocopter helicopters had been put on hold until better economic times – making history of the shortest-lived multi-billion ringgit defence deal between the issue of Letter of Intent (LOI) and its cancellation.

He has created more queries about the Eurocopter deal now put on hold, which must be answered either by Abdullah in the Defence Ministry reply in the budget debate in Parliament beginning today as well as the subject of the Public Accounts Committee inquiry into the Eurocopter deal, including:

1. Abdullah said that the Eurocopter deal is worth RM1.67 billion and not RM2.3 billion. This figure is also at variance with the price quoted by the Defence Ministry secretary-general Datuk Abu Bakar Abdullah who said last week that the tender price of the Eurocopter helicopters was RM1.l billion. How did the RM1.1 billion Eurocopter deal balloon to RM1.67 billion even before the issue of LOI?

2. Abdullah contradicted Abu Bakar as the latter had said that Eurocopter bid was selected in preference over the other six tender bids because “the company had a complete tender offer that obtained the highest marks based on technical evaluation, an offset package while also being at a reasonable price”.

Eurocopter had announced that its “offset package” if successful in the helicopter procurement is a RM250 million investment in Malaysia, including upgrading Eurocopter Malaysia’s maintenance, repair and overhaul (MRO) capacity in its Subang facility.

However, Abdullah denied the “offset package” was a factor, stating that the government did not ask for a RM350 million development package from Eurocopter for the Subang Aviation Park, adding: “Whatever they want to do, it is up to them. As far as I have been told, they offered it in the tender, we did not ask for it.”

The PAC should inquire into the “offset” dimension of the tender and report on the comparative “offset packages” of all the tender bids for the helicopter procurement.

3. Abdullah also justified the price as compared to the 50 Super Cougars procured by Brazil - at RM141 million per Cougar helicopter (at RM1.67 billion) for Malaysia as compared to RM84 million per Super Cougar helicopter by Brazil, claiming that the 12 Eurocopter units ordered by Malaysia are more expensive as they had different specifications.

He said: “Our requirements are more advanced. That obviously would come with a higher price,” adding that the Malaysian Eurocopters would be capable of search and rescue missions, combat operations and other duties.

PAC should investigate and report on this matter.

4. PAC should broaden its investigation into the history of Nuri helicopters crashes in the past 40 years, costing the government RM86.9 million in losses from 15 crashes, involving 70 officers and personnel apart from 19 deaths.

The first Nuri helicopter crash was on 25th April 1969 killing four RMAF personnel while the last fatal one was in Genting Sampah on 13th July 2007 claiming six lives. A RMAF inquiry concluded that there was no mechanical fault in the Genting Sampah crash.

The PAC should submit a report to Parliament to study all the reasons for all the Nuri helicopter crashes, whether as a result of human error or mechanical and helicopter faults.

96 Hindu and 37 Buddhist temples demolished between 2004 and 2007

NST, Oct 28 2008

A total of 96 Hindu and 37 Buddhist temples were demolished in Selangor between 2004 and 2007.

State exco member Dr A. Xavier Jayakumar said the move was carried out by the local authorities.


However, so far this year, 54 new applications had been approved by the committee task with regulating non-Muslim places of worship.

Among the applications are for 25 Hindu temples, 19, Buddhist temples and 10 churches.

Dr Xavier, who was answering a question from Lee Ying Ha (PR-Teretai), said although the applications had been approved by the committee, they would still need to be approved by the state executive council before the new places of worship could be built.

Running Away

A few days ago, I was talking to a friend. A meandering dialogue, it was really an excuse for us to reconnect as friends do. And as these exchanges tend to, we drifted into matters of family. She spoke about her children, her brother, the usual assortment of fears and hopes, funny moments, painful ones. I reciprocated.

At some point I began to talk about my father. And as I progressed into my narrative, she suddenly remarked that it was as if I was describing someone very different from the person I had talked about a year and a half ago. I thought about it and understood that she was right. The person I had just been describing was a warm, humorous and slightly dotty academic who, in the recounting of his madcap adventures across the globe in search of his truths, came across as a less sexy version of Sean Connery in his role as Indiana Jones’ father. The father I had described the year before was a quiet, reserved man so removed from his context and so driven in his academic research that he was virtually impossible to relate to. So much so that I had at times wondered what it was that he was running away from.

It struck me then that my father had not changed. I wondered whether I had been romanticizing my account of my father. Writers tend to exaggeration in the name of art, they call it artistic licence, and I was really a closet writer who had stumbled into the practice of law. But then I reconsidered, if that were the case why had I not done that before and, if the truth were to be told, our relationship had always been disjointed. I saw that there had to be another reason.

The more I thought about it, the more I became convinced that I was the reason. I had changed, it seemed, and in as big a way that allowed black to have somehow become white. How that had happened, what had caused that shift in me, these were things I was less sure of.

Over the next few days, I kept on going back to that insight, twisting and turning it in my mind to look at it from different angles. I gnawed at it like a dog with a bone, trying to extract its essence. Slowly, my ruminations took me through the ebb and flow of the preceding year. Gradually, realization dawned.

At some point, I had accepted him; the good, the bad, everything. More crucially, I had accepted that I was his son and that without him, I would not have journeyed down that road that allowed me to become who I was and who I was becoming. My father may have been running, but I had been on my own long distance run. One that had instead of taking me towards where I wanted to get to had taken me away from it. I had stopped running. There was no reason to any longer; there had never been one.

And I saw then that we had to stop running away from who it is that we are.

For years we have fought off any idea of a real Malaysian identity, one in which we could just simply be Malaysian without having to underscore whether we were Malay, Chinese, Indian, Kadazan, Iban or anything else. We have done this not because we know that we cannot have such an identity but because we have preferred to believe in a fiction that had over the years been constructed on the foundation of pain, anguish and hopelessness that enforced separation from one another has caused us all.

It is in the interests of those who prefer to say that a Malaysian identity, a Bangsa Malaysia, is a myth, or that it can only be built around a national identity that prefers one aspect of our beautifully diverse lives, to perpetuate the reasons that keep us apart. The proof that what it is they say is the myth and that each and every one of us has a role in creating, nurturing and evolving our national identity, lies all around us. We just have to want to see it: the way we eat each other’s food and how that food has in a way become all our food, the way we celebrate each other’s festivals with as much gusto as we would ours as if they were our own, the mixed marriages and the children they have blessed this country with, the common dreams and ambitions, the aspirations of our young, our collective destiny.

What are these if not aspects of who it is we all are?

What makes us uniquely Malaysian is our difference and the way we embrace it as one community, warts and all. If we could begin to see that, then that day when we topple that foundation of illusions, and with it that edifice that has for far too long cast a gloom over us, will dawn.

My father is my father and I am his son. I am a Malaysian and I want to stop running.

(Malay Mail; 28th October 2008)

Malik Imtiaz Sarwar

Sad Diwali for ISA detainee's family

Surendran asked to give statement

Child, mother free, 10 remanded

Article 121(1A) - Revisiting Aug 9 2008

A sad Deepavali


OCT 27 — It is a sad Deepavali for members and supporters of the Hindu Rights Action Force. Their organisation has just been outlawed and their leaders are still detained without trial under the Internal Security Act.

They have recently heard Home Minister Datuk Seri Syed Hamid Albar's decree that their organisation was detrimental to peace, public order, security and the moral values of Malaysia

They have also heard Inspector-General of Police Tan Sri Musa Hassan's claim that Hindraf's status was akin to a secret society.

And like many Malaysians, they are wondering why their organisation was banned just a couple of weeks after they attended a Hari Raya open house at the PWTC in Kuala Lumpur to present a card to Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi asking him to release their leaders detained under the ISA.

Many of them are still puzzled on how they could be accused of gate-crashing an "open house".

Even those who don't support Hindraf — some Malaysians think the group exaggerated claims of the Indian community being marginalised — thought it was just "rude" of them to ask the five-year-old daughter of exiled Hindraf leader P. Waythamoorthy to deliver the card — deemed political by some people — to the Prime Minister at such an event.

But they didn't expect that such an out-of-protocol act — which also included some supporters of blogger Raja Petra Kamarudin, also detained under the ISA, who wore T-shirts bearing the slogans "Free RPK" and "No to ISA" at the same Aidilfitri open house — would result in the banning of Hindraf.

Waythamoorthy has said that the ban would not banish the spirit and idea that created it.

"Hindraf represents the Indian commoner, the hard-working oily-faced man who is made fun of in the streets, and the man who people step on, the man who walks past you yet you notice him not."

As no one can kill off the spirit of perjuangan Melayu in Umno, it is almost impossible to destroy the idea of Makkal Sakthi (people's power) brought about by Hindraf that helped the opposition to wrest power from four states and deny the Barisan Nasional's two-thirds majority in Parliament in the last general election.

Just days before Deepavali, a group of Indian Malaysians were arrested when they tried to send a letter to the Prime Minister's office. Among those brought to the police station was a six-year-old girl.

Earlier, Pas president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang had described the Hindraf members' presence at the Cabinet's Hari Raya open house as part and parcel of democracy.

"I don't think it was rude. That's democracy. In the United States, people demonstrate in front of the White House," he said recently.

Hindraf members did exactly the same thing at opposition leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim's Hari Raya open house in Kampung Baru, Kuala Lumpur, and instead of harassment from the organisers or the police, they were welcomed with open arms.

The opposition Pakatan Rakyat has criticised the ban on Hindraf.

"For the past few years, there were many coalition bodies, NGOs and concerned groups that have come up to champion various issues. We are surprised why only Hindraf is targeted.

"We are worried that this action to restrict civil rights will only anger the Indian community and add to more racial tension," said its spokesman Pas secretary-general Datuk Kamaruddin Jaffar.

However, the Dewan Rakyat Speaker recently rejected an emergency motion to debate the ban, citing "no urgency" to discuss the matter brought up by DAP vice-chairman M. Kulasegaran.

In his argument, the Ipoh Barat MP said: "Instead of using harsh, terror tactics, the authorities should engage Hindraf and resolve the fundamental problems of poverty and lack of opportunity that the Indian community faces. The ham-fisted move to ban Hindraf will only aggravate the disaffection of the Indian community towards the BN".

Many Indian Malaysians were loyal supporters of BN but Hindraf opened their eyes to problems of discrimination and neglect. Some joined Parti Keadilan Rakyat while others the DAP but many more have remained non-partisan

For many Indian Malaysians, they hope the spirit of Deepavali — the triumph of good over evil — will prevail. The Malays too might want to remember the wayang kulit epic about the triumphant return of Seri Rama and Sita Dewi after the hero rescued his wife who was kidnapped by the demon king Rawana, and that the couple later lived happily ever after.

It may be a myth to many but it is still an inspiring story despite the current sad mood for some people in celebrating this year's festival of lights.

Hindraf 5's case adjourned, Federal Court ordered to write judgment

PUTRAJAYA, Oct 28 - The hearing of an application for a judicial review by five Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) leaders detained under the Internal Security Act was adjourned today because there was no written judgment by the Federal Court.

Federal Court judge Datuk Nik Hashim Nik Abdul Rahman, who presided over the hearing, ordered the previous Federal Court panel which made the decision to write the judgment as the court could not proceed without the grounds of judgment.

Justice Nik Hashim, who sat with justices Datuk S. Augustine Paul and Datuk Zulkefli Ahmad Makinudin, then adjourned the hearing until the written grounds of judgment are ready.

Earlier, counsel for the five men, Karpal Singh, informed the court that today’s hearing was for a judicial review of the Federal Court’s rejection of their habeas corpus appeal to be freed but the grounds of judgment had yet to be written.

On May 14 2008, a three-member panel of the Federal Court headed by Chief Judge of Malaya Datuk Alauddin Mohd Sheriff (now Court of Appeal President) dismissed their appeal after ruling that the order for their detention at the ISA camp in Kamunting, Taiping, by Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who was also the Internal Security Minister then, was lawfully executed.

The five are lawyers M. Manoharan, 46, who is also the state assemblyman for Kota Alam Shah, P. Uthayakumar, 46, V. Ganabatirau, 40, R. Kenghadharan, 40, and former bank officer K. Vasantha Kumar, 36.

They were held under the ISA on Dec 13 after being involved in street demonstrations in Kuala Lumpur on Nov 25 and issuing slanderous statements against the government.

They took the case to the Federal Court after failing to get the High Court to release them. - Bernama

Selangor MB defends decision to appoint Low Siew Moi SDC acting GM

Low's tenure as PKNS boss may be shortlived

Bernama

SHAH ALAM, Oct 28 (Bernama) -- Selangor Menteri Besar Tan Sri Abdul Khalid Ibrahim on Tuesday defended his move to appoint the Selangor State Development Corporation's (SDC) deputy corporate affairs and accounting manager Low Siew Moi as acting general manager, saying it should not be an issue.

Khalid's decision was met with objection from the corporation's own staff who submitted a protest memorandum to him this morning, while Selangor PAS wants to suggest its own candidate besides helping the state government find a suitable candidate.

"The tasks of the Selangor SDC is to develop the state and Bumiputera community under the New Economic Policy, but the results have been rather unsatisfactory," he told a news conference after the state assembly sitting, here.

"If the Malays manage this themselves and they do not benefit from it, then we have to look at the matter seriously.

"People get angry over such a change (appointment) but their stand is different when millions of ringgit go down the drain," he said.

Khalid said Low's appointment should not be an issue because it was only temporary as the current Selangor SDC general manager Datuk Harun Salim would be retiring at the end of the month, while Low herself admitted that a Bumiputera should be appointed to continue steering the government agency.

On another matter, he said the state's 2009 Budget tabled by him was approved by the assembly without any amendment.

Khalid said the state assembly also passed the Contempt for the House Bill 2008 to protect the sanctity of the House, whereby individuals who committed offences such as refusing to testify in investigations carried out by the special committee set up by the House, would face action.

He said the state assembly would have the right to request the Attorney-General (AG) to act against the offenders, and this procedure was akin to the system used by the United States Congress.

Asked why the need to get the AG's assistance, he said the state had no such power, so it would have to advise the AG. "If this is not effective, we will come out with another enactment," he added.

PAC Chairman Azmi should withdraw from PAC Eurocopter Inquiry because of “close proximity”

Datuk Azmi Khalid, the Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee (PAC), should personally withdraw from the PAC inquiry into the RM2.3 billion 12 Cougar EC725 Eurocopter deal because of his “close proximity” to the Executive as two-term member of the Cabinet until seven months ago.

Azmi’s background as a two-term Cabinet Minister under Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi would be important considerations to the Prime Minister why Azmi is regarded as politically suitable, stable, reliable and trustworthy candidate as PAC Chairman although from the perspective of established parliamentary conventions in mature democracies, these same factors would be regarded as precisely the reason why he is not suitable or qualified for the post.

In fact, in mature and developed parliamentary democracies, the Chairman of PAC is invariably from a senior Opposition MP, and not an MP from the administration, let alone a person who had just been a two-term Minister under the Prime Minister-of-the-day.

Credibility is greatly stretched for anyone to believe that a two-term Minister would be prepared to be very zealous to conduct a no-holds-barred PAC investigation into any major government irregularity or impropriety like the RM2.3 billion 12 Cougar EC725 Eurocopter deal – especially as Azmi was a Minister in the original Cabinet decision of 18th July 2007 to phase out the Nuri fleet of helicopters after the latest Nuri helicopter crash the week before.

As the maxim goes, justice must not only be done but must be seen to be done. Any hint of conflict-of-interest whether arising from “close proximity” as a two-term Cabinet Member of the Prime Minister-of-the-day or other reasons should be avoided at all costs.

Azmi Khalid should therefore withdraw from any PAC inquiry into the RM2.3 billion Cougar EC725 Eurocopter deal, and the full responsibility for conducting the helicopter investigation should devolve to the Deputy PAC Chairman Dr. Tan Seng Giaw (DAP – Kepong).

Two weeks ago, after the Parliamentary Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and I queried the propriety and integrity of the Cougar EC725 helicopter deal in Parliament, the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi said that he would probe allegations that there were irregularities in the multi-billion ringgit defence procurement.

The silence of Abdullah, who is also Defence Minister, in the past fortnight on this issue has been deafening.

Abdullah had also said that the Anti-Corruption Agency will also look into the helicopter deal.

Has this been done?

The PAC investigation into the RM2.3 billion Cougar EC725 Eurocopter helicopter deal cannot be used as an excuse for Abdullah as the Defence Minister to avoid giving a proper reply to the issues raised by Pakatan Rakyat MPs on the deal during the budget debate.

I for one will be looking forward to Abdullah’s response to the various queries raised in Parliament and outside on the RM2.3 billion Cougar EC725 Eurocopter deal during the four-day Ministerial replies in Parliament starting tomorrow.

TINGKAT EMPAT NAJIB?


1. Satu inovasi yang diperkenalkan oleh Dato Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi apabila sahaja dia menjadi Perdana Menteri ialah penubuhan satu badan penasihat khas yang dianggotai oleh menantu, anak dan kawan-kawan muda mereka. Kononnya mereka ini bijak dan pandai lebih daripada orang yang lebih tua dan berpengalaman. Pendapat mereka ini lebih dipercayai oleh Abdullah daripada Kabinet atau Majlis Tertinggi UMNO.

2. Lulusan Oxford dan Cambridge memang dianggap istimewa, tetapi yang lulus dari universiti-universiti ini bercambah dan ia tidak menjamin kebolehan yang luarbiasa. Lagi pun, orang-orang muda ini tidak punyai pengalaman mendalam dalam pentadbiran, politik dan ekonomi negara.

3. Yang lebih buruk ialah mereka mempunyai kepentingan tertentu dan berhajat untuk mendapat pulangan wang yang banyak daripada pengaruh mereka keatas Perdana Menteri dan Kerajaan.

4. Hasilnya ialah prestasi pemerintahan Abdullah merosot terutama dalam bidang politik dimana kekalahan yang teruk di alami oleh Barisan Nasional dalam pilihanraya umum ke-12. Akhirnya Abdullah dipaksa untuk berehat lebih awal.

5. Dengan perletakan jawatan Abdullah pada Mac 2009, timbalannya Dato Seri Najib akan mengambilalih dan menjadi Perdana Menteri. Apakah Najib akan bebas daripada jenis penasihat ala Tingkat Empat?

6. Saya diberitahu Najib juga mempunyai penasihat muda yang amat berpengaruh terhadapnya. Mereka ini mempunyai hubungan rapat dengan menantu Abdullah dan Tingkat Empat, bahkan mereka adalah daripada kumpulan yang sama.

7. Mempunyai penasihat bagi PM adalah baik. Tetapi apabila penasihat mempunyai syarikat sendiri dan dapat menggunakan pengaruh ke atas Perdana Menteri untuk meraih keuntungan daripada projek-projek Kerajaan atau dana-dana yang dimiliki oleh Kerajaan nasihat yang diberi mungkin terpengaruh dengan minat untuk memperkayakan diri.

8. Kita lihat peranan yang dimainkan oleh ECM-Libra. Apakah Ethos, yang juga terlibat dengan Tingkat Empat, akan menjadi seperti ECM-Libra? Ethos Capital, sebuah syarikat pelaburan jenis Equity Capital tidak banyak berbeza daripada hedge fund. Mereka amat berminat untuk dapat sebahagian dari tabung Kumpulan Wang Simpanan Pekerja (KWSP) yang sekarang berjumlah RM300 bilion untuk mereka mengurus pelaburannya, kononnya dengan pulangan 40 peratus. Najib mungkin ingat bagaimana Orange County di California menjadi bankrap kerana pelaburan dalam hedge fund.

9. Nasihat badan penasihat yang dianggotai oleh orang-orang muda yang amat disanjungi oleh Tun Musa Hitam telah bawa bencana kepada Abdullah. Najib harus berhati-hati supaya pisang tidak berbuah dua kali.

Tuesday, 28 October 2008

Eurocopter Deal: No More Cover-Up, Badawi

The investigation into the RM2.3 billion Eurocopter deal must go on even if the controversial deal is called off, opposition leader Lim Kit Siang said.

MCPX

His call came in the wake of a news report over the weekend, quoting sources as saying that the deal to purchase 12 Cougar EC725 helicopters from a European firm has been called off due to the current economic situation.

The public accounts committee (PAC), a powerful parliamentary committee tasked to ensure that public funds are well spent, is scheduled to hold a two-day inquiry from tomorrow to look into the matter.

lim kit siang parliament pc 201008 02“Even if the helicopter deal is cancelled, PAC is duty-bound to investigate the highly dubious and controversial procurement process, as this runs counter to all principles of accountability, transparency, integrity and good governance,” Lim said in a statement today.

The opposition stalwart, who is also DAP’s Ipoh Timor MP, said the PAC should identify whether any irregularity or oversight exists in the deal, and to ensure that the integrity of the Defence Ministry and the Royal Malaysian Air Force is intact.

“Parliament and the nation are entitled to a searching and no-holds-barred PAC inquiry to produce a report to be tabled by the end of next month which can answer many controversial questions,” Lim noted.

This includes why the price offered by Eurocopter has ballooned from its RM1.1 billion bid price to RM2.3 billion, as well as why is the government paying over twice the price for the aircraft
compared to aircraft from other countries.

The Eurocopter controversy was first highlighted in a letter dated Oct 7 addressed to Najib Abdul Razak, who is deputy prime minister and finance minister.

In the five-page letter, Mentari Services Sdn Bhd chairperson Kapt (rtd) Zahar Hashim suggested that the tender process, initiated during Najib’s tenure as defence minister, could have been a “gimmick” since the ministry appeared to favour one company.

najib and military helicopter purchase kazan and cougarZahar also accused Najib (left) of providing Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who took over the defence portfolio on Sept 17, with an “inaccurate” report pertaining to the contract.

The government had decided to purchase the new aircraft to replace the ageing Nuri aircraft following a series of crashes in recent years.

The opposition has lodged a complaint with the Anti-Corruption Agency calling for a probe on Najib’s alleged involvement in the deal.

Letter of Award not issued

On Sunday, Internet news portal Malaysian Insider quoted sources as saying that the deal will be called off after the government reviewed its expenditure “in light of failing revenues from crude oil and palm oil and slowing economic growth for the next few years”.

According to the report, Eurocopter won the deal as it also proposed to invest RM250 million to upgrade Malaysia’s maintenance, repair and overhaul (MRO) capacity in its Subang facility as part of its tender.

Eurocopter has already invested about RM45 million in Malaysia and had plans to spend another RM20 million this year to expand its Subang facility as well as MRO facilities in Kuching and Kota Kinabalu, the report added.

National news agency Bernama later reported that the government has yet to discuss the Eurocopter deal, but will do so to determine whether or not to go ahead, given the global economic crisis.

Bernama also quoted government sources as saying that the procurement of the new helicopters was only at the Letter of Intent stage and that no Letter of Award had been made to any party.

www.malaysiakini.com

The United Malays National Organisation is said to be suffering from senility

ImageFormer Malaysia Deputy Prime Minister Musa Hitam shrewdly diagnosed the multiple diseases afflicting the ailing United Malays National Organisation, the country’s biggest political party and the leader of the ruling national coalition, when he talked to the press after launching a forum on Oct 22.

Musa said the party is "too introverted", its leaders preoccupied with self-interest and oblivious to the interests of the masses, and incapable of rectifying fundamental flaws such as corruption, poor accountability and abuse of power. As a result, the party has lost popular support.

Musa politely described this phenomenon as penyakit tua (old age sickness), but I think it will be more appropriate to call it Alzheimer's disease, as the state of corruption of the party has already reached a stage of no return.

Just flip the daily papers, and one reads stories of money politics in the run up to the party election galore. One senior UMNO minister was so exasperated by this rampant practice that he sarcastically suggested that party might as well auction its leadership positions by tenders. And the chairman of the party’s disciplinary committee Tengku Ahmad Rithaudeen, who often admonishes party leaders against money politics, recently expressed shame over the hopeless state of corruption in party elections, as even informers on such corruption could reap bumper rewards from the corruptors, thus depriving the committee’s access to incriminating evidence.

In fact, election corruption in UMNO has been so ingrained – it has been practiced for more than two decades according to Rithaudeen – that a search in Google would show that “money politics” has become synonymous with UMNO.

When money and politics become so negatively intertwined, party leadership inevitably falls into the clutches of wealth-seekers and wealth-dispensers. This explains why UMNO lacks political idealism, and its leaders mired in mediocrity.

Abhorrent as such money politics may appear, it is however only the tip of the iceberg and symptomatic of a larger scourge that is destined to put UMNO to eventual oblivion.

Started as a nationalist party in the 1940s to unite Malays in their political struggles for independence, UMNO has seen prouder days as true nationalists when it worked shoulder to shoulder with other race-based parties to build the young nation. However, the watershed event of the May 13 racial riot in 1969 changed the course of history. Thenceforth, UMNO assumed absolute political dominance. As the famous saying goes "absolute power corrupts absolutely," corruption began to spread rapidly in the UMNO-dominated government in the 1970s. However, it was during Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad's two-decade rule that the art of corruption was perfected and institutionalized and lifted to the high level that we are all familiar with today.

Mahathir was able to do all this, unscathed by law, because he had amassed vast dictatorial powers through numerous amendments to the Constitution and legislation of repressive laws. With such power, and with electoral victory guaranteed by playing racial politics, he subdued political dissent and subjugated institutions of state to serve party and personal interests.

Through sweeping privatization of state assets and through a policy of public procurement by private negotiation, party leaders and cronies were enriched beyond their dreams through political favoritism under the all-embracing façade of the affirmative New Economic Policy, giving rise to overnight millionaires and even billionaires in the process, aggravating income disparity within Malay society.

It is not an exaggeration to say that the entire hierarchy of UMNO was financially sustained through this largesse system. Remove the system, UMNO would have crumbled overnight. In short, Mahathir’s iron grip and race-backed rule was sustained through repression and corruption.

Then what about Abdullah Badawi's reign? He won an unprecedented electoral victory by promising to undo the evils of the Mahathir era, but he also suffered the greatest electoral set back four years later for failing to fulfill any of that promise. Now he is on the verge of handing over power to his deputy Najib Tun Razak, while promising to carry out a few reforms before he leaves the scene as his legacy to the nation. These reforms are aimed at improving the independence of the judiciary and the effectiveness of the anti-corruption and other law enforcing bodies.

But will UMNO allow him to do that? Highly unlikely. Pak Lah, as Badawi is called, himself knew as much, as revealed in his uncharacteristic outburst against clamours for him to make another shift forward of his retirement date, this time from March 2009 to December this year (the earlier shifts were from June 2010 to June 2009, and again from June to March 2000). Speaking to reporters in Kota Kinabalu on Oct 19, he angrily rebuked Minister of International Trade and Industry Muhyiddin Yassin, who had been at the forefront agitating for Badawi’s premature retirement and had just suggested the party poll be brought forward from Mar 2009 to December 2008, and asked:

"Is he (Muhyiddin) afraid of reforms? He doesn’t want to see reforms? Why must he frustrate reforms which have been yearned for by the people? The people have been angry with me for not honouring my reform pledges in 2004 when they gave me strong electoral support. ...Why must he make the suggestion now (to shift the party poll forward)? This means my reform efforts will be thwarted. But I will not step down until the reforms are carried out."

It looks like Pak Lah is fighting a lonely battle, as there is no political will among UMNO leaders to change the status quo.

One must realize that from UMNO's perspective, it is perfect logic for the leaders to resist any reform that would make the judiciary more independent and law enforcement bodies more effective. For who would protect the corrupt and the abuser of authorities, when judges and policemen become no-nonsense enforcers of the Constitution and the law? And without the complicity of these institutions, how could UMNO maintain its repressive and corrupt rule? The plain truth is that UMNO cannot possibly survive politically on a level playing field against its opponent in a democratic environment where rule of law is upheld.

Musa Hitam is of course right when he said that UMNO is trapped in the mindset of 20 or 40 years ago, when religious and racial issues reigned supreme in an UMNO politician's agenda. But time has changed, so have the people, including the Malays who had been the bedrock of UMNO's electoral support. The younger generation of Malays does not view UMNO with the same perspective as their parents. UMNO must prove it is capable of leading the country decidedly forward in this global environment before they would give their electoral support.

Exploitation of racial and religious issues is no longer a safe political trump card. With this trump card in question, and with no capacity to reform and evolve with the march of time, where can UMNO head to except political oblivion?

At this time of global financial meltdown not seen since the Great Depression of 1929, the nation is of course anxious how Malaysia can get through this storm without getting too badly battered. Is our political leadership up to the task of leading the nation safely through this rough sea? Are our institutions sufficiently competent to meet the anticipated challenge? Do our people have the skills and resilience to rise to the occasion?

Looking at how the Barisan Nasional coalition has been completely embroiled in intra-party and inter-party struggles for power and political survival of its own with scant attention to the external world, and its reluctance to cast off the race-inspired protectionism which is the main impediment to economic re-invigoration, the prospect ahead is bleak.

Munawar Appeals

Dr Munawar Anees, who is appealing his conviction for sodomy in 1998, at the Federal Court in Putrajaya this morning. Munawar was one of Datuk Anwar Ibrahim’s friends when the opposition leader was also charged in court in 1998 for various offences


No Umno/MCA/Gerakan/MIC MP to emulate Billy Abit Joo?

Is there not a single Umno, MCA, Gerakan or MIC MP (including Minister/Deputy Minister) in Peninsular Malaysia who dare to emulate Sarawak BN MP, Billy Abit Joo (Parti Rakyat Sarawak) to support a parliamentary debate on the review of the Internal Security Act (ISA) – and if so, why do they want to get elected into Parliament?

Barisan Nasional MPs from whichever component party cannot remain blind, deaf and dumb to the increasingly widespread and popular demand from all sectors of Malaysian society for review and repeal of the draconian Internal Security Act, which stands as a symbol of the lack of democracy and rule of law in the country.

Yesterday, October 27, was the 21st anniversary of the Operation Lalang mass ISA arrests in 1987, with 13 MPs among 106 persons arrested under the infamous detention-without-trial law.

If the BN MPs suffer from amnesia of history of what happened two decades ago, they cannot be unaware of the blatant and scandalous abuse of the ISA only last month when the ISA was used against the latest trio of ISA victims – Sin Chew senior reporter Tan Hoon Ching, DAP MP for Seputeh Teresa Kok and blogger Raja Petra Kamaruddin on completely baseless grounds.

In recent weeks, MCA and Gerakan leaders have been making headlines with their demands for the review and repeal of ISA – but all these noises are made just for “syiok sendiri” and out of the hearing or presence of top Umno leaders.

Both MCA and Gerakan annual conferences this month passed resolutions on the review of the ISA but this is only for party and public relations consumption but never meant to be pursued seriously in Parliament or Cabinet.

This is why there is not a single MCA or Gerakan MP (including Minister/deputy Minister) who can emulate Billy Abit Joo to put his signature to support the requisition for a priority debate in Parliament on the review and repeal of ISA.

The requisition, which has the support of 85 MPs (81 Pakatan Rakyat, three Independent and one Barisan Nasional) is not committing any MP to a stand to repeal the ISA but only to support priority debate in Parliament on whether the ISA should be reviewed and repealed.

Even MPs who want to retain the ISA can support the requisition for a priority parliamentary debate on the ISA as it is very clear that there has been radical deviation from the original purpose and character of the ISA when it was enacted by Parliament in 1960 – what more, in the case of MPs in MCA and Gerakan who have just been entrusted by their national delegates with the specific mandate to demand the review and even repeal of ISA?

I reject the explanation by the new MCA Youth chief and Deputy Education Minister, Datuk Dr. Wee Ka Siong why MCA MPs cannot join 85 MPs (including Billy Abit Joo) to requisition the holding of a parliamentary debate on the review of the ISA.

He claimed that the MCA have “our own way of resolving matters”, that “the right forum is the Cabinet”, even claiming authority for this approach by declaring that Malaysia is following the Westminster model of parliamentary democracy.

Everybody knows that the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi had publicly slapped down the call for review of the ISA when he spoke at the opening of the 55th MCA General Assembly ten days ago.

Which of the four MCA Ministers is going to raise the MCA General Assembly resolution for a review of the ISA in the Cabinet? I am sure none, especially as one MCA Minister is not very sure about his Cabinet tenure after losing out in the MCA Deputy President election while the new MCA President, Datuk Seri Ong Tee Kiat would be more preoccupied about ensuring “smooth sailing” for his recommendations to the Prime Minister for MCA appointments in government.

If MCA Ministers dare not raise the ISA review in Cabinet and MCA Deputy Ministers and MPs dare not even support a requisition for priority parliamentary debate on a ISA review, what is the use of having MCA represented in Parliament?

As for Malaysia practising Westminster model of parliamentary democracy, let me remind not just MCA but all BN Ministers, Deputy Ministers and MPs that this had not prevented some 140 Labour Party MPs from voting against the British government’s motion on Iraq War in March 2003 on a matter of conscience and public policy.

Nobody is asking any MCA or BN MP to go against the Barisan Nasional government but to support a requisition to the Prime Minister that there should be priority parliamentary debate on the question of a review of the ISA.

Let Presidents of UMNO, MCA, Gerakan, MIC and the Sabah and Sarawak BN component parties declare whether they have prohibited their MPs from supporting the requisition by 85 MPs for an urgent debate on the ISA review?

If this is an impossible mission to them, then there should be an immediate stop to all the chest-thumping claims by UMNO, MCA, Gerakan and MIC leaders that they have learnt the lessons of the March 8 “political tsunami” and that they are going to be articulate and outspoken as they are nothing but just hogwash!

Abdullah’s Resignation: Pakatan’s Ploy for Power?

Although it is a little dated, I think John made a few observations which will be worth thinking about. Forming a new government is not an easy undertaking. It requires painstaking work full of inherent risks since the other side (UMNO-BN) is not to go down without a fight. Anwar Ibrahim told us that he has the numbers to form the government. There is no reason for me to doubt the PKR leader. Even Nik Aziz, the Menteri Besar and PAS’s spiritual leader, did not harbour any doubt.Technically, we could have formed the government on September 16, 2008. So as far as I am concerned, Anwar kept his promise to deliver the numbers, which he did.

The reality of forming the government is something else. We have to do it in an orderly and constitutional way. The Prime Minister refused to meet Pakatan leaders while the Speaker, Dewan Rakyat ruled against any attempts to debate the issue. In the meantime, our country is facing a possible recession, given the financial and liquidity crisis in the United States which has spread to Europe and parts of Asia. PR has decided that the move for a change of government must take a back seat since our economy is entering a difficult phase with a recession looming in 2009. Let us read what John thinks about the subject of the change of government.—Din Merican

by JohnLeemk@Dartmouth

(dated September 18, 2008)

September 16 has come and gone, with no change in government. While I will leave an analysis of the implications of this for another time, the mechanism by which Pakatan Rakyat would take power is worth examining. After all, September 16 falls smack in the middle of Parliament’s recess, which will last for about two weeks more; how can the government fall when Parliament cannot meet to pass a vote of no-confidence? Most speculation here suggests that Pakatan leaders would meet with the Yang di-Pertuan Agong submitting the names of MPs supporting the new government. But I think a very plausible, if not likely scenario is the Prime Minister simply tendering his resignation.

After all, most analyses assume a hostile takeover. But the last thing Pakatan wants is instability and resistance from the politicised institutions of our country. To form a new government, Pakatan would want more than just the support of a slim majority of MPs; it would require some sort of acquiescence from at least a few of the elite in the current government. If the present government does not acquiesce, if it fights tooth and nail to hold on to power, it will jail MPs indiscriminately, do anything it can to prevent a vote of no-confidence in Parliament; it will commence a scorched-earth campaign to ensure Pakatan can get nothing of value when it takes power, while salting away its own ill-gotten gains in offshore bank accounts.

So ultimately at the very least we must have a Prime Minister willing to let go of power, and willing to step down. And if we are willing to accept that Abdullah Badawi will let himself be voted out of power, why not go one step further? I think there are grounds to believe that he may simply resign before things get to that stage.

If Anwar Ibrahim, the Leader of the Opposition, can broker a deal with Abdullah to ensure a smooth and orderly transition of power, both men will benefit immensely. Thus far it seems clear that history will not judge Abdullah very well; at best, his attempts to reform the government were stillborn and half-hearted. But if Abdullah becomes the first Prime Minister to make way for a real change in government, if he places institutions above politics and personal gain, his reputation will be significantly rehabilitated.

You may say that this is not much, but look at it another way: he is definitely going out as Prime Minister, with no concrete accomplishments to his name. It is unlikely that he will last until 2010, with so many within his own party baying for blood. Whoever succeeds him as Prime Minister is unlikely to lavish him with praise or mark his administration with pride; Abdullah’s term as premier will at best be seen as a benchwarmer for his successor, and at worst, be seen as setting Malaysia down a dangerous and poorly-planned path. Considering the relative vehemence of calls for him to step down, it is probable that his leadership would be vilified by the government-authored history books; Abdullah would be lucky if his term was just ignored and forgotten.

On the other hand, if Anwar takes power, Anwar does not have much to gain from going after Abdullah. He will be too busy fixing broken institutions and dealing with the day-to-day problems of governance to make Abdullah-hating a priority; it would be especially unseemly for him to denounce the man who so generously made way for him to accede to the premiership. Accusations of corruption and impropriety on Abdullah’s part aside, the fact is, Abdullah is hardly criminally responsible for our nation’s problems today; even if the new Pakatan government tried to hunt him down, it would not solve any fundamental problem. If anything, Pakatan will probably see to it that Abdullah goes down in the history books as a visionary Prime Minister who presided over the rebirth of democracy in Malaysia, and whose attempts to reform our institutions were blocked by shortsighted bigots in his own political party.

You may think this kind of historical rewriting is unlikely or unseemly, but it has already happened: the case of Dato Onn Ja’afar comes to mind. Dato Onn today is seen by everyone — including the government historians — as a man ahead of his time in trying to found a multiracial party. What we don’t remember is his bitter return to racism after his own party failed; some historians actually blame his rhetoric for spurring UMNO to outdo him in fighting for ketuanan Melayu.

The raw material for Abdullah’s reimaging as a visionary ahead of his time, blocked by dunderheads in his own party, is already there: his attempts to reform our institutions, his redefinition of ketuanan Melayu into a positive ideology empowering the Malays to stand on their own two feet as equal partners with other Malaysians. Abdullah can easily go down in history as one of our best Prime Ministers, given the right spin. The only thing is, he has zero chance of this happening if an UMNO man succeeds him, while it is very likely he will eventually be hailed as a great patriot if he makes way for a Pakatan leader.

For Anwar, Abdullah stepping down solves a lot of key headaches. For one, there is no need to go through the vote of no-confidence; the Agong has complete discretion in appointing the Prime Minister if the post falls vacant (one of the very few real discretionary powers the Agong has). Anwar can meet with the Agong and submit a list of MPs who have agreed to support him, and once the Agong actually appoints him as PM, it is very unlikely that MPs would be falling over themselves to pass a vote of no-confidence against the Pakatan government.

The matter is smoothed over even more if Abdullah states that he has made way for Anwar, and that Pakatan has enough MPs on its side to make things work. With that statement, the Agong appointing Anwar would be a simple enough formality. There’s not even a need for Parliament to meet, and if the handover occurs this month, the Parliamentary recess gives Anwar breathing room to form a Cabinet and start governing, building momentum on his side and further forestalling any Barisan move to topple him. It’s a huge logistical win for Anwar if he can accomplish it.

Moreover, Anwar and Abdullah will have ammunition at the ready to face down their opponents from UMNO. I quit because you wanted me to, Abdullah can say. It’s clear I didn’t have your confidence, as you can see from the defection of your colleagues and your own voracious calls for me to step down. And the King himself appointed me, Anwar will say. Do you really want to question the King’s decision? Spinning themselves out of this situation will be fairly straightforward, I believe, especially with public opinion on Pakatan’s side.

So is it any wonder that Pakatan’s agenda at the moment is to meet first with the Prime Minister, before seeking an audience with the Agong? I would not be surprised at all if a deal like this winds up being cut eventually. It benefits both the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition; it benefits the country by bequeathing it some stability and smoothness in the transition; everyone comes out smelling like roses.

Ultimately it is not to Pakatan’s benefit to form a government speedily but haphazardly. A Pakatan legislator I met three weeks ago told me that they were then sorting out a smooth transition with institutions such as the Police and military. The excuse of stability they presently cite may seem weak but I believe it holds water.

History hinges on Abdullah’s decision: to quit or not to quit? His position is growing increasingly untenable. It’s a question of when, not if, he will step down as a lame-duck Prime Minister. But one successor offers the real potential of fixing the country and its government, and the temptation of going down in history as a great Prime Minister ahead of his time. The other successor offers more of the same under a different name, and the probable vilification of Abdullah’s name in the history books. I think Abdullah would be a fool not to make way for Anwar, if Anwar has any Barisan MPs at all on his side — and that I think he does.-Din merican

PAS lends support to 10 detainees


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(Malaysiakini)
Andrew Ong | Oct 25, 08 3:06pm

PAS is sympathetic with the plight of 10 individuals who were arrested while attempting to deliver a letter to Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi on Thursday, its vice-president Husam Musa said.

“I came from Kelantan today to express our sympathy to our fellow Malaysians who have been bullied by the Barisan Nasional government,” he said.

Husam said this when meeting family and friends of the 10 individuals who have been remanded until Sunday at the Putrajaya district police headquarters.

The 10 were arrested while accompanying six-year old W Vwashnnavi, the daughter of Hindraf chairperson P Waythamoorthy, and her mother K Shanti to the Prime Minister’s Office in Putrajaya.

Vwashnnavi’s letter was an invitation for Abdullah to visit the family’s Deepavali open house which also called for the release of all Internal Security Act detainees.

Asked to elaborate on his “bully” remark, Husam said the government had used the authorities to suppress legitimate grievances by a marginalised community instead of understanding the issues raised.

“This will hurt the feelings of the Indian community,” he said.

Negative portrayal

Commenting on Hindraf’s objectives, Husam said there was a need for “social re-engineering”, without reviewing the social contract, to resolve the woes of the Indian community such as in areas of education, welfare and business.

Accompanying Husam was PAS Youth chief Salahuddin Ayub who said that the government was wrongly portraying Hindraf and its supporters as anti-Malay and anti-Islam.

“The leaders in PAS, DAP and PKR will fight against this,” he said, to cheers from family members and supporters.

Hindraf came to prominence last year after the group had protested heavily against the demolition of Hindu temples, particularly in Selangor.

Following a mass demonstration of some 30,000 people on Nov 25 last year, five of the group’s top leaders were detained for two years under the ISA, while Waythamoorthy went into self-exile in London.

On Oct 15, the Home Ministry declared Hindraf illegal. The 10 who were arrested on Thursday are being investigated under Section 48 of the Societies Act for participating in an unlawful organisation.

RM5000 donation

Husam hoped that the authorities would free the 10 detainees todayso as to enable them to celebrate Deepavali on Monday.

“I hope they are released immediately as a good gesture ... we should show respect (for religious customs),” he added.

Husam also attempted to visit the 10 detainees but was denied permission by the police, much to the disappointment and disapproval of those present.

Following this, Husam brought some festive cheers when he presented RM5,000 cash donation to the families of the 10 detainees for Deepavali.

He said that the money was contributed by Kelantan PAS.

Taliban plucked eyes


Sayed Ghulam, told the media how his both eyes plucked by armed attackers in southern Afghanistan.

Kandahar on October 26. - A farmer who is charged as government spy and the international soldiers have been plucked out eyes set by the men believed to be Taliban fighter.

Farmers from the area of the Helmand, Ghulam notify sayed, plucked eyes with a knife through Thursday and then in front of his family members.

He was however reluctant to tell who is responsible for the felonious act.

According to him, some men have been pull him out of the house while accuse him as traitor.

"After pull out approximately 20 meters from my home, they hold hands and continue to tear my eyes.

"I feel very sick world and then switch to a dark," said Sayed effect from the hospital where he was treated in the Kandahar .

According to him, his wife and children scream only able to see the event.

Meanwhile, a spokesperson Helmand region, David Ahmadi claimed the act was carried out by members of the Taliban movement is active in the area.

"They have killed many people who are innocent, such as farmers, children and women because they accuse involved in spying.

''But this time they acted unkind to a poor farmer who is not guilty, "said David.

This was before the Taliban decapitate the head and cut off the ears and nose of the population who are accused of a rope diaper government.

Malaysia Government Bans Minority Human Rights Organisation

Press Release
Malaysia Government Bans Minority Human Rights Organisation


The Hindu community has been suffering systemic persecution at the hand of the Muslim majority Malaysia. Laws have been passed to discriminate Hindus in jobs and other economic benefits which have been exclusively reserved for Muslims. Having silently suffered since independence for over 60 years, the community had decided to form a non political organisation in the name of Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) in order to raise a united minority voice.


Over 80 Hindu temples including one over 100 years old MAHA MARIAMAN TEMPLE at Padang Jawa have been demolished under fake reasons. No alternative facilities were given to the community for their religious rights. The Hindu priests were beaten up and the statutes of Hindu deities were dishonoured.


Malaysian Home Minister bans a Hindu Minority Organisation

In November 2007 the community had decided to hold a demonstration in front of the British high Commission to hand over a petition demanding intervention of the British government acknowledging that it was the British who brought them to Malaysia under indentured labour policy.

The Malaysian government had then banned the demonstration and had fired tear gas and water cannons at over 20 thousands demonstrators who had gathered there. They had arrested many of them but owing to the intervention of international media they had decided to let them go except, however, more than 100 were charged with fake criminal offences. They also arrested the five leaders of the Hindraf and charged them under draconian ISA law, which is detention without trial for anti-state activities.

The Malaysian Government has also cancelled the passport of the chairman of Hindraf Mr. P Waytha Moorty who had come to the UK in order to draw attention for the plight of his community and have thus made Mr. Moorthy a stateless person without any passport. The atrocities of the Malaysian government are still continuing. Two weeks ago after banning HINDRAF, last week they arrested on remand eleven persons including a woman who had gone to convey Dewali greetings to the Prime Minister and to request him to release the arrested Hindus before Dewali festival.

Hindu Council UK severely condemns the actions of the Malaysian government and requests:

  1. That the ban on Hindraf is lifted and the Hindu minority community should be accorded with legitimate human rights.
  2. That the criminal cases against leaders of Hindraf should be withdrawn and the HINDRAF leaders released unconditionally.
  3. That the UK government as head of the commonwealth should prevail upon the Malaysian government to adhere to the charter of universal human rights and safeguard the interests of the Hindu minority.


Suraj Sehgal
Director for Defence and Security
Hindu Council UK

Monday, 27 October 2008

The call of Kali

Devotees at the Sri Padhpathira Kaliamman Alayam templeThe Nut Graph
by Eddin Khoo

"...will you walk through your fears, to dance with me?" – from a hymn of Kali

AS often as the story has been told, it can't be told enough.

The narrative remains an essentially "modern account". It encapsulates the great transformations of the last century affecting human movement and encounter. For all that it tells of developments in communication, history and politics, it remains principally a narrative bound with the expression of individual faith and haunting hope.

In the port of Madras, towards the end of the 1890s, young Tamil men and women awaited to board steamers that would bring them to the Malay peninsula. Here, they would serve as labourers, part of the kangany system in the newly cleared rubber plantations sprouting throughout British Malaya.

This indentured workforce only had the promise of three square meals, a small plot of land at the end of the term's labour, or a pass for the steamer back home. Disembarkation at the ports of Penang and Klang was followed by resettlement throughout the Malay peninsula and the hapless task of clearing the land.

It was the early experience of entering into darkness.

A Tamil proverb cautions: "Settle not on land where there is no temple." The act of creating the estates and commencing cultivation of them was always then accompanied by the more personal effort of constructing a shrine and enacting religious observance.

Whether driven by superstition or plain bhakti (devotion), the shrines served as the centre of activity and communion for these isolated communities. The deities who presided there, it was held, guarded their devotees' plight.

By the early part of the 20th century, Indian immigration intensified in the urban centers of the peninsula where a principally Tamil workforce was assembled to help in railway construction and administration.

Again, a similar process occurred. Urged by a dream or portentous incident, a shrine would be erected, a suitable mythology forged, a congregation gathered.

The practice of faith in these shrines remained diverse, polyglot, demotic; expressed in the forms and rituals of a folk tradition far removed from the puritanical observances of an institutionalised faith.

The choice of presiding deities reflected this. There was Muneeswaran, the cheerot-smoking Tamil folk god, sword in one hand, warding off evil; and Subramaniam, also known as Murugan, the archetype of Tamil consciousness whose trident brought light unto the world. And always Kali, mother goddess, goddess of death and destruction who ruled over this age, the age of Kali (Kali Yuga), characterised by its incessant stress, strife and endless turmoil.

Kali the slayer

The noted historian of Kali, David Kinsley, has written an evocative portrait of the mother goddess:

"The goddess Kali is almost always described as having a terrible, frightening appearance. She is always black or dark, is usually naked, and has long, dishevelled hair. She is adorned with severed arms as a girdle, freshly cut heads as a necklace, children's corpses as earrings, and serpents as bracelets. She has long, sharp fangs, is often depicted as having clawlike hands with long nails, and is often said to have blood smeared on her lips. Her favourite haunts heighten her fearsome nature. She is usually shown on the battlefield, where she is a furious combatant who gets drunk on the hot blood of her victims, or in a cremation ground, where she sits on a corpse surrounded by jackals and goblins."

Among the many myths associated with her is one that locates her in an age where evil forces reigned relentlessly. Responding to supplications from his followers, the god Shiva sent the goddess of war, Durga, to enter the battlefield and slay the demon king Rakavija.

Unknown to the goddess was a boon that had already been bequeathed to the demon king by the god Brahma. Every time a drop of the demon's blood was spilt, he would be reborn a thousand times more powerful.

Unable to quell the multitude and increasingly powerful incarnations of Rakajiva, Durga summoned pure shakti (energy) from her brow — Kali, the incarnation of destruction and eternal justice.

Slaying the demon king with her sword, Kali placed her lips on the wound to drain his body of all blood. But drinking his blood sent her into an uncontrollable rage and she ventured to slaughter all who crossed her path until Shiva himself was forced to place himself at her feet, bringing a temporary calm.

Transcending fear

Philosophically, Kali devotion locates itself at the very centre of the Hindu belief system — the transcendence of spirit over body and matter. Confronting, worshipping and embracing the goddess in her dark Self serves as the act of transcendence over fear and illusion.

Commonly associated with the rise over adversity, Kali worship naturally beckoned an ascendance among the working communities of the Malay peninsula. In estates, in the squatter areas of the menial workforce, where light was scarce and conditions intense, the appeal of the dark goddess was natural.

Apparitions of her were frequent, and shrines, devoted to her presence, immediately constructed. So it was some 80 years ago when a dream inspired a railway worker to plant a trident at his home, break the ground, and invite the goddess Kali to enter.

Bequeathed to his daughter Muniamma Superaian, and now attended to by her daughter Gowri Arumugam, this shrine, the Kuil Sri Padhpathira Kaliamman Alayam, located in Brickfields, attests to this lineage of faith.

Home to an ever-growing, multiracial congregation, regular prayers and rituals — all the details of a living faith — are still held at this shrine, culminating each year, at mid-year, when the image of the goddess Kali is "taken for a walk" within the surrounding vicinity.

That month is Amma (mother)'s month. The ritual ablutions and bath that precedes the walk serve as a symbol for the act of renewal and creation through destruction — according to the Kali way — of the individual ego, of self-delusion and the material.

In a climate where the viability of modest, old shrines are being challenged, occasions such as the walk and the daily rituals remain testament to the particular histories of communal practice that have shaped our diversity.

And in this age of formalising and institutionalising almost every aspect of human life, even the expression of faith is contained. Where belief was once expressed in the form of events and vibrant rituals conducted at modest local community shrines, these are now occasioned in grand structures replete with the solemn murmurings of an organised faith.


Eddin Khoo is a poet, writer, translator and journalist. For a decade he has worshipped at the Kuil Sri Padhpathira Kaliamman Alayam.

Hindraf and the supremacy of State

NEW DELHI, Oct 27 — Of unusual international importance is the fact that Malaysia’s Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak has, with a topical political touch, extended Deepavali greetings to the Hindus among the country's ethnic Indian minority.

Unlike in India, where even the greetings of interest to only some sections are extended to all citizens regardless of their sub-national identities, it is customary in Southeast Asia to specify the target group on such occasions. This, of course, is not the real issue at stake now in Muslim-majority and multicultural Malaysia, insofar its two-million-strong ethnic Indians are concerned.

The relevant point is that Najib, who has been designated by Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi to succeed him next year, linked the mystique of Deepavali to the challenges faced by the Indian-origin citizens today. Noting that the festival marked a traditional celebration of the triumph of good over evil, Najib expressed the hope that Malaysian Hindus would, in that "spirit," seek to "resolve any problem in the best way possible." Why has he chosen to strike this line? The answer is not far to seek.

Malaysian Indians, many of them mobilised by the recently-banned Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) for over a year now, want to keep their grievances in global focus. And, Najib is equally determined to reassert the supremacy of the state. The authorities have recently taken actions that the opposition parties in the country see as a political "offensive" against an outfit with "a core human rights agenda."

An alternative view, favoured by the Malaysian government, is that Hindraf, which began making its presence felt at the time of Deepavali last year, is divisively communalist, as different from being merely ethno-centric. The country's social contract has fostered power-sharing among race-based political parties that are drawn from the ranks of either Malays or ethnic Chinese or, indeed, the people of Indian origin. However, these predominantly ethno-centric parties have, by and large, fought shy of readily accepting religion as the wellspring of a political or social outfit.

A striking example is the general hostility of race-based parties in the ruling coalition towards Pas. Over a noticeably long period, Pas stridently advocated Shariah-based Muslim polity as the best model for the country. In the run-up to the recent snap general election, though, Pas publicly gave up its political patent — the advocacy of an Islamic state. This aspect clearly helped the fast-changing party endear itself to secular voters across the spectrum. And today, Pas is a proactive member of the three-party opposition alliance, the Pakatan Rakyat, at the federal and state levels. Two of the PR's constituents are multiracial in outlook, while Pas fielded an Indian-origin candidate for a state seat in the last poll.

Viewed in this perspective, Hindraf leaders have not tried so far to distance their outfit from its religious mooring. They have instead specialised in using the Hindu temple as "a safe sanctuary" to carry forward their campaign for a "fair deal" for the Indian-origin minority. The temple, they say, is the only platform accessible to them in the face of a "state-sponsored crackdown."

Debatable as this argument might be, especially so in the eyes of the Malaysian government, the fact remains that Hindraf, proscribed with effect from Oct 15, had not adequately disputed its “religious orientation”. On the other hand, Hindraf activists are often accused of having capitalised on the sentiments that gripped the ethnic Indians when an “unauthorised” temple was demolished, for “development” purposes, before Deepavali last year. Soon thereafter, this outfit, led by lawyers and other professionals, began articulating an ethnic Indian political agenda of seeking rights "on par" with those of the other communities.

And, after Hindraf's campaign picked up momentum, evident during a mass protest rally in Kuala Lumpur last November, a senior Malaysian Minister apologised for the temple demolition which had served as a “flash point”.

Five proactive Hindraf leaders — P. Uthayakumar, V. Ganapati Rao (also known as Ganabatirau), M. Manoharn, T. Kengadharan, and T. Vasanthakumar — were served with two-year detention orders last December under the Internal Security Act. The law provides for detention for prolonged periods without any formal charges and judicial trial. Another leader, P. Waytha Moorthy, who was abroad at the time his colleagues were detained, remains in self-imposed exile.

Political speculation is rife that the current ban on Hindraf is an aspect of Malaysia's national security update, with or without reference to the ongoing preparations for a smooth transfer of power to Najib.

On a parallel track, opposition leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim has publicised his "plans" to unseat the present Prime Minister and form an alternative administration. Sympathetic to the cause of ethnic Indians, Anwar wants the equality-agenda articulated in a non-polarising fashion in multi-religious Malaysia. In another development in the opposition camp, Pas, shedding its “Islam-exclusive” image, has now offered to mediate between Hindraf and the authorities. — The Hindu

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Separation of Islam And Justice

NO HOLDS BARRED

Raja Petra Kamarudin

It appears like Yang Berhormat Zulkifli Nordin, a Member of Parliament for Kulim has put his foot in his mouth again. After his very embarrassing performance at the Bar Council recently, one would imagine he would have learnt his lesson by now. Yesterday Zulkifli said he does not care about anyone’s opinion and he only cares about Islam. He gives an impression that he is an Islamic Mujahiddin who fights for Islam and who fights to uphold Islamic principles.

They say those who forget history are doomed to repeat its mistakes and I do not know whether Zulkifli Nordin is a student of history or not, but maybe he should brush up on his history, in particular history concerning Islam before he next opens his mouth and embarrasses the party that he is representing in parliament, which is Party Keadilan Rakyat. Party Keadilan Rakyat, as the name suggests, stands for justice. Islam and justice go hand in glove. You cannot separate Islam from justice or vice versa.

Let us look at just the last 50 or 60 years of Islamic history and try to get a good idea on what happens when Muslim leaders try to separate justice from Islam. Let us look at Algeria in the 1950’s and the 1960’s when they fought against French colonization or French occupation of Algeria. Both sides, the French colonists and the Muslim mujahiddins perpetuated crimes against humanity, to use the current key word that is banded about. Women were murdered. Women were raped. Children were murdered by bashing their heads on the wall. People were shot in cold blood and all sorts of crimes against humanity were perpetuated under the disguise of fighting for justice. What justice can there be when millions of citizens are killed in the struggle to gain a foothold in a territory? The French called it French territory and the Algerians said “This is free Algerian territory” and they wished independence. But in the fight seeking justice many, many people were massacred. It was almost like an ethnic cleansing.

Eventually the French decided to leave. Charles des Gaulle, the French who went on to become the French president made a decision that it was no longer tenable for the French to hold on to Algeria and they decided to give Algeria independence. But did the killings stop? No. A secular government was set up and the Islamists not being happy, decided they wanted an Islamic government. And the killing continued. This time it was no longer between the French and the Algerians but it was between the Algerians and the Algerians. And many Christians and many Jews were killed in the crossfire as well. Recently the FIS which is an Islamic party, won the elections and the military immediately walked in and took over and sacked the government. The killing continues into its 3rd phase since the fifties and sixties.

Look at other countries, for instance in Iraq. When Saddam decided to oppose the Shia Islamic government of Iran, he moved his forces across the border and the 8-year war that ensued resulted in 1 million deaths. 1 million Muslims, Muslims killing Muslims. And today those deaths continue as Iraqis now fight against the American occupation of their country. Hundreds of thousands of Kurds were killed even before the American invasion of Iraq. And these Kurds were massacred, they were gassed. And entire colonies and community of Kurds who are Muslims were killed by their own Muslim government. The list continues. Afghanistan has resulted in 2 millions deaths. At first it was Afghans killing Afghans. Then it was Afghans killing Russians and vice versa. And now it is back to Afghans killing Afghans.

More Muslims have died in the course of struggling for justice. More Muslims have died in Muslim killing Muslim then in all the other Muslim-Christian wars over the last 1000 years.

Zulkifli Nordin is an Islamist. He probably claims he has been detained twice under the infamous ISA. The ISA is a law that stifles freedom of speech and freedom of association and Zulkifli Nordin says he does not care about other people’s opinions. The ISA therefore suits him well because the ISA also does not care about other people’s opinions. Does this mean that Zulkifli Nordin therefore supports the ISA? If so, let him speak now and make his stand clear as to what he thinks about the ISA. It is strange that a person like Zul who raids the bar council and who makes statements that he only cares about Islam and does not care about anything else would have that kind of mentality.

Was it not Abu Bakar, the first caliph of Islam who took out his sword and placed it before him and said, if he deviates from Islam, to take his sword and cut off his own head? Abu Bakar was responding to a question from the floor where one of the followers of Islam asked how can they be sure that Abu Bakar would be a good leader and will rule justly and will not deviate from Islam. And Abu Bakar’s response was, he offered his head to be executed with his own sword! That is a mark of a true Islamic leader, an Islamic leader who cares about other people’s opinion.

Zulkifli Nordin said he does not care about other people’s opinion. He is not a true Muslim and he is certainly not a true leader. He should redeem himself by resigning. Resign from the party and remain an independent candidate just like Ibrahim Ali who said he supports the ISA. Better still, Zulkifli Nordin should resign his seat in Kulim and allow for a by-election so that we can see whether the voters would like to continue to vote for a member of parliament who does not care about other people’s opinions. Zulkifli Nordin is a disgrace not only to Parti Keadilan Rakyat but also to Islam. A member of parliament who does not care about other people’s opinion should no longer remain a member of parliament.

Sunday, 26 October 2008

Hindraf supporters released on police bail

PUTRAJAYA, Oct 26 - The 10 Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) supporters who were remanded for assembling in front of the Prime Minister’s office on Thursday, were released on police bail today.

They left the Putrajaya district police headquarters at 1.30pm, accompanied by their lawyers, led by Gobind Singh Deo and Shah Alam MP Khalid Abdul Samad, and Kuala Selangor MP Dr Dzulkifli Ahmad.

Kuala Lumpur police chief Datuk Wira Mohammad Sabtu Osman said that the eight men and two women were released on police bail and had to report back on Nov 25.

Some 50 supporters and family members had gathered outside the police headquarters early this morning.

Eleven Hindraf supporters, including three women, were detained on Thursday after they tried to hand over to the Prime Minister’s office a memorandum calling for the release, before Deepavali, of the Hindraf leaders held under the Internal Security Act. They also brought along a six-year-old girl to display a poster promoting their cause.

One of the gr