A UK-based solicitor and lawyer - appointed by Hindraf Makkal Sakthi -
is scheduled to meet with members of the Malaysian public this Sunday.
His
fact-finding mission is to help him better understand the situation on
the ground and interview those participating in the Hindraf class action
suit. This lawsuit against the British government seeks to correct
historical injustices inflicted on Indians who were brought to the
peninsula by the white colonialists.

The
Hindraf move is almost certain to court a fresh storm of controversy
and criticism from Umno, the party that will be most embarrassed when
full details of the Indian marginalisation emerge. The extent to which
the local Indian community, particularly Hindus of Tamil stock, is
excluded from the nation's progress and well-being can only reflect
badly on the Malaysian government.
Due
to the stony deaf ears at home, Hindraf has had no choice but to
petition abroad for redress, as outlandish as the amount of relief
sought might sound. The case being heard in England will enable it
coverage from the international press. The deliberate neglect of a
minority that perceives itself as oppressed by a government acting in
bad faith will soon be laid bare to the world.
Umno's
extremist supporters such as Perkasa and Utusan Malaysia persist in
denying allegations of discrimination against Indians although the
plight of the community's underclass is evident to all. Just look at who
are the homeless people who sleep along five-footways in the derelict
parts of town.
Only small minority benefitted More
thoughtful Malaysians, however, are aware that the Indian community has
come down, and continued falling a long way, in their socio-economic
development and life prospects.
Accusing the
Indian-based organisation Hindraf of disloyalty and worse is merely
closing the stable door after the horse has bolted.

During
the past 50 years since Independence, only a small minority of Indians
have benefitted from the political and economic largesse handed out by
the government. The majority have seen little or no improvement despite
the fact that the much of the economic prosperity and development of the
country was built, almost literally, on their back and their hard
labour.
Disclosure of the exact
socio-economic status of the community is hampered by a system in which
there is a lack of transparency in the collection and release of data
that may relate to the plight of non-Malays - the apparent fudging
excused on grounds of ethnic sensitivity but more likely due to other
politically driven manipulation and agenda.
Although
difficult to come by, all available data clearly point to the fact that
the relative performance of the Indian community has deteriorated
across a wide range of socio-economic indicators.
The decline has been especially steep over the last four decades after 1970 with the commencement of the NEP.
Indian displacementIndian impoverishment can be traced to two major developments.
One
is the displacement (and also the lack of replacement) of Indians in
the civil service. In 1966, one third of all Indian workers were
employed in government or quasi-government jobs. In 2006, only 2.8
percent of Malaysian Indians employed were still to be found working in
the public sector.

The
other development has been the displacement of Indian rural workers by
the massive unchecked and officially sanctioned influx of over three
million foreign workers, and the absence of any compensatory programmes,
including access to state and federal land and rural development
schemes.
The predominantly Muslim
foreign workforce, largely from Indonesia, the southern Philippines and
Bangladesh, has displaced Indians from their traditional habitats and
livelihoods so that Indians now form an urban and semi-rural underclass.
The slums in which they live today are largely ignored by the
government and racked by social and family breakdown and disorder.
Of
course, ethnicity is not the only variable in determining access to
social services, education, health benefits, land and other forms of
development assistance provided by the government in Malaysia.

Politics,
class, region, family background and other variables also come into
play. But for many poor and lower middle-class Indians - especially
those from the younger generation - the fact that they are not
bumiputera or Muslim mark them out for special discrimination and
marginalisation.
Some will make it
and escape poverty but the majority will remain severely disadvantaged
unless there is a dramatic reversal in state policy.
Malaysians
must raise their voices and oppose the state planned policy of
exclusion and its unabashed execution by the authorities, all the way
from national down to district level even if what amounts to a one-party
state system has successfully managed to steam roll it through.
All talk without any walk When
the Hindraf class action suit is heard in London, then the morally
repugnant practice of pushing the weakest segments of society to the
brink will be made better known to all.
If
we are to survive well as a nation and society, the government - and
this includes the state governments presently controlled by the
opposition - must not only pay attention to the needs of the politically
dominant majority.
Those holding the
reins of power (from whichever party) should ensure justice and
fairness in the way they treat the minorities, especially the smaller
non-Muslim minorities that lag behind the Malays and Chinese, and are
lacking in political and economic clout.
How
the government responds to the admirable campaign for inclusion,
justice and equality for poor Indians will demonstrate to Malaysians
whether 1Malaysia is all talk without any walk or whether the government
may have finally found the political will and moral fibre to right this
long-standing historical wrong.
DR LIM TECK GHEE is director of the Centre for Policy Initiatives